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TINUBU-BUHARI PARTNERSHIP AND OPPOSITION’S DESPERATE SEARCH FOR VALIDATION

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TINUBU-BUHARI PARTNERSHIP AND OPPOSITION’S DESPERATE SEARCH FOR VALIDATION

By Tunde Rahman

The special relationship between President Bola Tinubu and former President Muhammadu Buhari has witnessed many remarkable moments. It has experienced dramatic and exciting times, just as there have been challenging moments. Life changing and sweet memories abound between the two great leaders. Between the two great men, there are recollections of might-have-beens. There are also open testimonies about the gains of the partnership and words of commendation as well as scornful moments.

Nonetheless, the two leaders have trudged on to the admiration of their mutual friends and associates, and bewilderment – I dare say, disappointment – of others who would wish both had long parted ways.

About pleasant times, one important moment readily comes to mind. It was towards the end of 2017, two years into the Buhari presidency. The former president was traveling to Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire, for the 5th African Union-European Union Summit, which took place from November 28th to 30th, and had invited Asiwaju Tinubu to join his entourage. Coming from Buhari, the invitation was a pleasant surprise to the then All Progressives Congress National Leader, given that the administration he worked very hard, with others, to bring into existence, had largely sidelined him after taking over power in 2015. The Cote d’Ivoire invitation, therefore, represented one of the few occasions he would be directly contacted.

As it turned out, taking Tinubu along on that trip proved helpful. Tinubu attended a couple of official meetings and engagements with the former president, including the meeting with the Nigerian Community in Cote d’Ivoire. Buhari alluded to this during that trip.

Speaking about Tinubu, while addressing the Nigerian Community in that country on the sidelines of the summit, the former president had said: “I must thank our Leader, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. He has brought me a very beautiful piece of information, which I was not aware of until I sat down and read it. Thank you very much for your hard work, and I will discuss that paper with you.”

Many were wondering at the time as to what piece of information Tinubu had offered Buhari. But at that time, 2019 was around the corner, and Buhari needed to rally his troops for re-election. There was a need, in my view, to tap Tinubu again for his strategic support and rich political network. Each time Tinubu had any opportunity to visit Buhari at the Presidential Villa, it was to offer ideas and suggestions about the way forward for the government and the country. I know this as a fact because I was always there with him.

Tinubu had helped Buhari to power in 2015 after the General’s three previous unsuccessful attempts. An alliance between Buhari’s Congress for Progressives Change (CPC) and Tinubu’s Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) that had earlier hit the rocks in 2011 was resuscitated in the run-up to the 2015 election, engendering a working alliance between the North-west and South-west. This was the alliance that put the wind in Buhari’s sail and fired him to the presidency.

For the first time in a long while, the former president recently spoke on this valuable support and fine relationship with Tinubu in a telephone call to the President on his 73rd birthday. According to a statement by his spokesperson, Mallam Garba Shehu, Buhari underscored the bond between him and Tinubu. He disclosed that his family and himself remain indebted to President Tinubu and other APC leaders for the invaluable contributions they made towards the formation of the party, which catapulted him to the presidency for two terms, and helped to produce another APC administration with Tinubu himself at its head.
“No doubt, the annals of the country will not be complete without bringing into mention, and a recognition of the varied and numerous roles of President Tinubu as an entrepreneur, a party stalwart, a staunch activist, party organiser, party builder, a reliable ally and a serial winner of democratic elections. I am truly proud of my association with the Asiwaju,” the former president said.

President Tinubu, on his part, has at every turn extolled the virtues of former President Buhari. For instance, during Buhari’s 82nd birthday last December 17, Tinubu penned a moving tribute to the former president.
He wrote: “Dear President Muhammadu Buhari, on behalf of the government and people of Nigeria, I extend my warmest congratulations and best wishes to you on your 82nd Birthday.

“As you celebrate this remarkable milestone in Daura, we reflect on your years of dedicated service and leadership, which have significantly shaped the course of our nation. Your steadfast commitment to Nigeria’s advancement and unity inspires many, and your enduring legacy continues to guide our nation’s journey towards prosperity and stability.”

Praising Buhari for his doggedness and resilience in contesting presidential elections in 2003, 2007 and 2011 before winning in 2015 and 2019, inspiring “us never to give up,” President Tinubu assured him: “I will continue to build on the infrastructure legacy you bequeathed to our nation as the leader of our country’s first All Progressives Congress administration.”

From the foregoing, notwithstanding the minor strain engineered by some palace courtiers when the former president was in office, it is apparent that the relationship between Tinubu and Buhari continues to flourish as it was built on mutual respect and affection. And like every association, there are bound to be challenges. About that of Buhari and Tinubu, this strain manifested in the sidelining of Asiwaju, particularly during Buhari’s first term in office, and in the orchestrated moves by some people in the Buhari government to thwart Tinubu’s ascension to the presidency in 2023.

However, it would appear that this relationship has weathered the storms. It is waxing stronger. Contrary to the impression in some quarters, particularly in the camps of some opposition politicians, the remarks by the former president during a visit by APC Governors, who paid him Eid-el-Fitri homage in his Kaduna residence, did not in any way undermine the accord. Underlining his cult-like following in the North, the governors had, during the visit, reportedly urged Buhari to dissuade his CPC associates from leaving APC, noting that doing so would strengthen the governing party against the opposition.

During the visit, Buhari had called on political leaders to embrace humility, transparency, and a citizen-first approach to governance, disclosing that he left office with no personal material gain, emphasizing that true leadership is measured not by personal accumulation, but by public service and impact. Garba Shehu again quoted the former president in a statement he issued: “Leaders must always prioritize the welfare of citizens over personal or partisan interests. I left office with the same physical assets I had before becoming President.” Buhari also expressed satisfaction with the renovations to his Kaduna home and thanked the Tinubu administration for the improvements made inside the building. “Outwardly, the house looks the same, but the renovations have been significant,” he said.

However, regarding the APC Governors’ request that he implore his CPC associates not to leave the party, the former president reportedly declined to commit. While reaffirming his loyalty to APC, he was said to have insisted that others must be allowed to make their own political choices. Some analysts and commentators had interpreted that to mean Buhari was pitching his camps with the opposition.

A deeper analysis of Buhari’s politics lends useful perspectives to his convictions as expressed during the visit by the governors elected on the platform of APC. That remark, embodying a laissez faire attitude, is consistent with Buhari’s politics. A vivid example was during the build-up to the 2019 governorship election in Ogun State when as President he appeared in Abeokuta, Ogun State capital, to give the APC flag to Prince Dapo Abiodun, the then candidate of the party for the election. The former president had urged the people of the state to vote for any candidate of their choice. That remark drew flaks from many, but it underscored a principle Buhari has upheld throughout his political career.

It should also be recalled that recently when former Kaduna Governor Nasir el-Rufai defected to the Social Democratic Party and he (el-Rufai) claimed in a BBC Hausa interview that he left the APC with Buhari’s blessings, the former president also used the opportunity to clear the air, insisting he remains fully loyal to the APC and would never abandon the party that made his presidency possible. “I am a proud APC member and I want to always be known as one. I will continue to do everything I can to promote and support the party,” Buhari stated, without directly addressing el-Rufai’s claims.

At the moment, opposition politicians are desperately seeking Buhari’s support and endorsement to validate their 2027 plan. Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and his cohorts like el-Rufai, former House of Representatives Speaker Aminu Tambuwal and former Governor Bindow Jibrilla of Adamawa State, among others, visited the former president in Kaduna on Thursday to also pay homage to him for the end of Ramadan fasting/Sallah celebrations that occurred two weeks ago.

In all of that and his remarks to the APC Governors that visited him in Kaduna, has former President Buhari, thus far, deviated from or dumped the accord between him and President Tinubu and the spirit of friendship, mutual understanding, cooperation and reciprocal support that underpins their relationship? There is nothing that suggests so. The special relationship between President Tinubu and former President Buhari remains rock solid. The two eminent leaders will continue to cooperate and collaborate to sustain party unity and promote progressive governance.

Rahman is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media, Publicity & Special Duties

 

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Ndigbo are no longer spectators in the Nigerian project- Minister Dave Umahi dismisses calls for Biafra under Tinubu’s administration

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December 15, 2025

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The Minister of Works, David Umahi, says the all-inclusive style of governance being practiced by President Bola Tinubu has made the agitation for Biafra an unnecessary clamour.

While speaking at the inspection of the Enugu-Anambra road last Saturday, December 13, Umahi said the Tinubu administration had given Ndigbo what they had sought for decades, not through secession, but through what he described as unprecedented inclusion in national governance and development.

He explained that the agitation for Biafra was historically driven by neglect, exclusion and underrepresentation at the federal level, but insisted that the situation had changed under the current administration.

“When a people are fully integrated, respected and empowered within the structure of the nation, the dream they once chased through agitation has already been achieved through cooperation.

The push for Biafran secession over the years was borne out of neglect, exclusion and underrepresentation but today the narrative has changed dramatically under President Bola Tinubu.

The President has deliberately opened the doors of national development to the South-East. Appointments, policy inputs and infrastructure priorities now reflect true federal balance.

Every sector now bears visible Igbo footprints. The emergence of Igbo sons and daughters in strategic positions is a testament to this inclusion.

Biafra was never about breaking Nigeria; it was about being counted in Nigeria. Through inclusion, equity and concrete development, Ndigbo are no longer spectators in the Nigerian project; they are co-authors of its future. When justice finds a people, agitation loses its voice.”he said

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ADC Launches 90-Day Membership Drive, Fixes Dates For Congresses, National Convention

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December 15, 2025

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The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has announced a 90-day nationwide membership mobilisation, revalidation, and registration exercise as part of preparations for its internal party activities ahead of 2026.

The party also approved provisional dates for its congresses and the election of delegates at the polling unit, ward, and local government levels across the country.

In circulars issued by its national secretary, Rauf Aregbesola, the ADC said the congresses are expected to hold between January 20 and January 27, 2026.

The process, the party said, will lead to the emergence of delegates who will participate in its non-elective national convention scheduled for February 2026 in Abuja.

A statement by Bolaji Abdullahi, national publicity secretary of the party, said the decisions were reached at a meeting of the national working committee (NWC) held on November 27, 2025.

Abdullahi said the timetable and activities were approved in line with the resolutions of the NWC and in accordance with relevant provisions of the party’s constitution.

The ADC said further details on the membership exercise, congresses, and convention will be communicated to party members and stakeholders in due course.

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INVESTIGATION: Why No Imo Governor Ever Controls Succession- The Untold Story

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3 hours ago

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December 15, 2025

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Imo State’s inability to sustain political succession from one elected governor to another is not accidental. It is the consequence of recurring structural failures rooted in elite conspiracy, federal power realignments, internal party implosions, zoning sensitivities, and the perennial arrogance of incumbency. From Achike Udenwa to Ikedi Ohakim and Rochas Okorocha, each administration fell victim to a combination of these forces, leaving behind a state where power is never inherited, only contested.

Achike Udenwa’s experience remains the most instructive example of how federal might and elite scheming can dismantle a governor’s succession plan. Governing between 1999 and 2007 under the PDP, Udenwa assumed that the party’s national dominance would guarantee internal cohesion in Imo. Instead, his tenure coincided with one of the most vicious intra-party wars the state has ever witnessed.

The Imo PDP split into two irreconcilable blocs. On one side was Udenwa’s grassroots-driven Onongono Group, powered by loyalists such as Alex Obi and anchored on local structures. On the other was a formidable Abuja faction populated by heavyweight figures including Kema Chikwe, Ifeanyi Araraume, Hope Uzodimma, Tony Ezenna, and others with direct access to federal influence. This was not a clash of personalities alone; it was a struggle over who controlled the levers of power beyond Owerri.

The conflict worsened when Udenwa openly aligned with then Vice President Atiku Abubakar during his bitter feud with President Olusegun Obasanjo. That alignment proved politically fatal. Obasanjo, determined to weaken Atiku’s network nationwide, withdrew federal support from governors perceived as loyal to the vice president. In Imo, the effect was immediate and devastating.

Federal agencies, party organs, and influence channels tilted decisively toward the Kema Chikwe-led Abuja faction. Udenwa lost effective control of the PDP structure, security leverage, and strategic influence. His foot soldiers in the Onongono Group could mobilise locally, but they could not withstand a coordinated assault backed by the centre.

His preferred successor, Charles Ugwu, never gained political altitude. By the time succession became imminent, Udenwa was already a governor without power. Even his later recalculations failed to reverse the tide. The party had slipped beyond his grasp.

The eventual outcome was politically ironic. Ikedi Ohakim emerged governor, backed by forces aligned with the federal establishment, notably Maurice Iwu—his kinsman and then Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Another Udenwa ally, Martin Agbaso, briefly tasted victory, only for his election to be cancelled. The lesson was brutal and unmistakable: without federal alignment, succession in Imo is almost impossible.

Notably, Udenwa’s record in office did not rescue him. Infrastructure development, relative stability, and administrative competence counted for little in the face of elite conspiracy operating simultaneously at state and federal levels. In Imo politics, performance is secondary to power alignment.

Ikedi Ohakim’s tenure presents a different dimension of failure. Unlike Udenwa, he never reached the point of succession planning. His administration was consumed by political survival. From 2007 to 2011, Ohakim governed amid persistent hostility from elites and a rapidly deteriorating public image.

Ohakim has consistently maintained that his downfall was orchestrated. Central to his claim is the allegation that he was blackmailed with a scandal involving the alleged assault of a Catholic priest, Reverend Father Eustace Eke. In a deeply religious state like Imo, the allegation was politically lethal.

Whether the claims were factual or exaggerated mattered less than their impact. The narrative overwhelmed governance, drowned out policy achievements, and turned public opinion sharply against him. Political elites who had midwifed his emergence quickly distanced themselves, sensing vulnerability.

By the 2011 election, Ohakim stood isolated. Party loyalty evaporated, elite cover disappeared, and voter sympathy collapsed. His re-election bid failed decisively. With that loss, any discussion of succession became irrelevant. His experience reinforces a core principle: a governor rejected by the electorate cannot dictate continuity.

*Uzodimma*

 

Rochas Okorocha’s rise in 2011 appeared to signal a break from Imo’s succession curse. Charismatic, populist, and financially powerful, he commanded party structures and grassroots loyalty. By his second term, he seemed politically unassailable.

Yet Okorocha committed the most consequential succession error in the state’s history. By attempting to impose his son-in-law, Uche Nwosu, as successor, he crossed from political strategy into dynastic ambition. That decision detonated his massive support base in the State overnight.

Imo’s political elites revolted almost unanimously. Party affiliation became secondary to a shared determination to stop what was widely perceived as an attempt to privatise public office. The revolt was elite-driven, strategic, and ruthless.

The zoning factor compounded the crisis. Okorocha hailed from Orlu zone; so did Nwosu. For many Imo voters, the prospect of Orlu retaining power through familial succession was unacceptable. What might have been tolerated as ambition became framed as entitlement.

This time, elite resistance aligned with popular sentiment. The electorate queued behind alternatives not necessarily out of conviction, but out of rejection. Crucially, Emeka Ihedioha emerged governor because Okorocha fatally miscalculated—splitting his base, provoking elite rebellion, and underestimating voter resentment. Okorocha’s formidable structure collapsed under internal rebellion and voter backlash, sealing his failure to produce a successor.

Hope Uzodimma’s current position must be assessed against this turbulent history. At present, the structural indicators are in his favour. He enjoys firm federal backing, controls the APC machinery in the state, and commands the support—or at least the compliance—of most major political elites.

Unlike Udenwa, Uzodimma is aligned with the centre. Unlike Ohakim, he has survived electoral tests. Unlike Okorocha, he has not openly flirted with dynastic politics. On the surface, the succession equation appears favorable.

*Udenwa*

 

However, Imo’s history cautions against certainty. Elite loyalty in the state is conditional and transactional. It endures only where interests are balanced, ambitions managed, and inclusion sustained. A wrong choice of successor could still provoke elite conspiracy, even if it emerges from within the ruling party.

The opposition remains weak and fragmented, with limited capacity to mobilize mass resistance. Yet voter apathy, now more pronounced than during the Udenwa and Okorocha eras, introduces a new risk. Disengaged electorates are unpredictable and often disruptive.

“Ohakim*

 

Ultimately, Uzodimma’s challenge is not opposition strength but elite psychology. Suppressed ambitions, if mishandled, can erupt. Succession in Imo has never been about coronation; it is about negotiation.

*Okorocha*

History is unforgiving to governors who confuse incumbency with ownership. Power in Imo is never transferred by decree. As 2027 approaches, the same forces that toppled past succession plans remain alive. Whether Uzodimma avoids their trap will depend not on power alone, but on restraint, balance, and political wisdom.

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