Politics

We Are Neither Thieves Nor Saboteurs, Mele Kyari Defend NNPCL

Published

1 year ago

August 8, 2024

“We are not criminals. We are not thieves. But we will protect our dignity and honour,” says NNPC GCEO Kyari.

The Group Chief Executive Officer, NNPC, Mele Kyari, on Wednesday at the interactive session organised by the Senate Adhoc Committee probing sabotage in the oil and gas sector, chaired by the Senate Leader, Opeyemi Bamidele, declared that the leadership of the NNPC are neither thieves or economic saboteurs.

This was as stakeholders in the oil and gas sector of the Nigerian economy agreed to expose all forms of sabotage and criminal activities bedeviling the sector not minding whose ox is gored.

Participants at the Senate Adhoc Committee probing sabotage in the oil and gas sector, chaired by Bamidele, further agreed that the investigative public hearing should be aired live on national televisions and other media platforms.

Authorities of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC) and the Dangote Refinery and Petrochemical Company also seized the opportunity to clear the air on the recent face-off between the two establishments.

While the NNPCL management distanced the organisation from any form of sabotage and accusation of deliberately stalling the take-off of private refineries in the country, the Dangote firm denied allegation of attempt to monopolise the oil and gas sector in the country.

In his submission, the Group Chief Executive Officer, NNPC, Mele Kyari, stressed that the NNPC, “is loyal and faithful to the country,” adding that its management vowed to protect the interest of Nigeria in the petroleum industry.

He observed that most problems in the petroleum industry have nothing to do with NNPCL.

“We are faithful and loyal to the economic interest of this country. We are not criminals. We are not thieves. But we will protect our dignity and honour,” he added.

The NNPC boss said it was not possible to frustrate any private refinery because the Petroleum Industry Act had limited the roles of each regulator in the oil and gas sector.

He said, “The NNPC is a company owned by over 200 million Nigerians. And I happen to be the chief executive of this company. The law is clear around what the chief executive of this company will do.

“Our memorandum article of association, the Petroleum Industry Act, and all other enabling, including the Company and Allied Matters Act, (CAMA), which was legislated by this Honourable National Assembly had listed our roles.

“I will wait for the public hearing to reveal certain things. I also agree with the Minister that it should be broadcast live so that Nigerians will hear us. So that all the misinformation that you see today will be put to the side, so that Nigerians will know the truth.

“All of us here see what is happening in the media. Targeted personal attack on my person, on the institution, and we all know how this works. They are deliberate, they are calculated.

“It creates the impression that NNPC Limited and our leadership are doing something to create economic sabotage in our country. It is far from it.

“I assure you, Mr. Chairman, that the NNPC Limited and its board of directors and its shareholders are faithful, loyal to this country.”

Kyari added: “We do not lie to this country. And we do nothing to sabotage the economic interests of this country. As a matter of fact, NNPC is the economic interest of this country.”

In its response, Dangote Refinery, through its Group Strategy Officer, Aliyu Suleiman, said the firm had so far, bought about 50 million barrels of crude.

Sulaiman said, “About 60 per cent of that came from the NNPC, and we are thankful to them for their support. And we’re grateful to them for their support.

“About 20 per cent of that (crude) had to be imported from outside and the other 20 per cent we purchased.

“Essentially, all we are asking for, and let’s be very clear, we are happy to pay fair prices.

“We are very happy with the price that they set, the price is like supermarkets and that’s what we buy. But what we buy from others is what we think the regulator should look at and the good thing the regulator has done, is that it has published a guideline that will address some of these.

“We hope that we’ll work with the regulator and we’ll get their support so that the refinery can get 100 per cent of its crude from Nigeria and buy the crude from companies that produce it in Nigeria not from international middlemen.

“Whatever the prices, as long as it is in Nigeria, and that’s the price also that the producer will pay their tax on, we’ll be happy to pay that.

“Since the refinery started full trial production in January and then full time production started in March, since then we have processed about 50 million barrels

“We’ve produced about five million tons of petroleum products. And these petroleum products have been sold to various parts of the country.

“Jet fuel has been sold in Europe since May. It’s been sent to Europe. Other products have been sent to places as far as Asia, US, Brazil, and so on. So the refinery has been making a lot of progress.

“We have produced five million tons of products, but about 90 per cent of it had to be exported. While at the same time, the products we were producing had been imported into Nigeria.

“We find ourselves competing against Russian products that have been produced with oil that is valued at $60. “We all know that because of the cap that has been put on, put on Russian oil, the value of Russian oil today in the market is $60.

“That’s what Russia is using to produce their products and those products are being sent in large quantities into Africa to compete with products that are produced in refineries that buy crude at $90.

“We don’t think this will be a fair competitive environment. It is normal to put protective measures. The US, for example, has done that, to protect their own industries against attack by China that subsidise their own industries and then sends them to the US.”

Meanwhile, the Senate panel on the occasion raised questions over the $1.5 billion approved in 2021, for the turn-around maintenance of the Port Harcourt Refinery with little or no result.

Consequently, the upper chamber lamented that it was unfair and wrong to treat government businesses or public companies as an orphan while private businesses were flourishing and thriving.

Bamidele, who is the Leader of the Senate and Chairman, of the ad hoc panel investigating the Alleged Economic Sabotage in the Nigerian Petroleum Industry said the Federal Executive Council had approved the plan by the Ministry of Petroleum Resources to rehabilitate and turn around the Port Harcourt Refinery with a whopping sum of $1.5 billion under the administration of former President Muhammadu Buhari.

He noted that despite the huge investment, the government-owned refinery was yet to function effectively, a situation that compelled the country to depend almost entirely on the importation of petroleum products.

Bamidele, expressed grave concerns about the dysfunctionality of the government-owned refineries despite billions of dollars invested to carry out turn-around maintenance on the installation.

He observed that the federation, “is undergoing a truly challenging period,” pointing out that the distribution and supply of refined petroleum products, “has been irregular and problematic in the recent history of our fatherland.”

“In 2021, specifically, the Federal Executive Council approved $1.5 billion for the turn-around maintenance of the Port Harcourt Refinery. Yet, this investment has not yielded significant returns.

“For us, in the Senate, we believe, it is unfair and unpatriotic to treat government businesses or public corporations as an orphan while private businesses are flourishing and thriving,” Bamidele pointed out at the interactive session.

The session was attended by Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Mr. Wale Edun; Minister of State (Petroleum), Senator Heineken Lokpobiri; and Kyari. Others included the Chief Executive Officer, Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC), Mr. Gbenga Komolafe; the Chief Executive Officer, Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority, Mr. Farouk Ahmed, major and independent oil marketers, among others

In his own remarks, Edun said the increase in the crude volume would stabilise the country’s foreign exchange market while expressing confidence in the leadership of the ad-hoc committee to conduct an unbiased and impartial investigation.

Meanwhile, the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Senator Heineken Lokpobiri, has pledged the full cooperation of the ministry with the senate which is investigating the sector.

“ In view of the fact that the quickest means to overcome our economic challenges lies within the petroleum sector, there is a need to keep Nigerians in the know of procedures and processes being carried out in our effort to transform and reposition our oil sector, bearing in mind the need to protect and promote our local players in the industry.

“I emphasised on this during my appearance before the Senate Adhoc Committee investigating alleged economic sabotage in the Nigerian petroleum industry, where I expressed my commitment to cooperating with the committee to put to rest some of the misinformation making rounds.

“The federal government, under President Bola Tinubu, remains committed to fostering the necessary synergy and partnerships to achieve our goals, and we are expediting efforts to complete rehabilitation works on our three refineries to ensure we meet our domestic petroleum needs efficiently,” Lokpobiri said on his X handle.

The National President of Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN), Alhaji Abubakar Shettima in his presentation admonished the committee against monopoly in the petroleum sector.

“The current value chain in the downstream should be sustained to allow other investors to participate.

“NNPCL is doing its best but should please improve on supply of products to retail outlets across the country to end the incessant queue at filling stations,” he said

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Politics

Ndigbo are no longer spectators in the Nigerian project- Minister Dave Umahi dismisses calls for Biafra under Tinubu’s administration

Published

1 hour ago

December 15, 2025

Ekwutos Blog

The Minister of Works, David Umahi, says the all-inclusive style of governance being practiced by President Bola Tinubu has made the agitation for Biafra an unnecessary clamour.

While speaking at the inspection of the Enugu-Anambra road last Saturday, December 13, Umahi said the Tinubu administration had given Ndigbo what they had sought for decades, not through secession, but through what he described as unprecedented inclusion in national governance and development.

He explained that the agitation for Biafra was historically driven by neglect, exclusion and underrepresentation at the federal level, but insisted that the situation had changed under the current administration.

“When a people are fully integrated, respected and empowered within the structure of the nation, the dream they once chased through agitation has already been achieved through cooperation.

The push for Biafran secession over the years was borne out of neglect, exclusion and underrepresentation but today the narrative has changed dramatically under President Bola Tinubu.

The President has deliberately opened the doors of national development to the South-East. Appointments, policy inputs and infrastructure priorities now reflect true federal balance.

Every sector now bears visible Igbo footprints. The emergence of Igbo sons and daughters in strategic positions is a testament to this inclusion.

Biafra was never about breaking Nigeria; it was about being counted in Nigeria. Through inclusion, equity and concrete development, Ndigbo are no longer spectators in the Nigerian project; they are co-authors of its future. When justice finds a people, agitation loses its voice.”he said

Politics

ADC Launches 90-Day Membership Drive, Fixes Dates For Congresses, National Convention

Published

1 hour ago

December 15, 2025

Ekwutos Blog

The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has announced a 90-day nationwide membership mobilisation, revalidation, and registration exercise as part of preparations for its internal party activities ahead of 2026.

The party also approved provisional dates for its congresses and the election of delegates at the polling unit, ward, and local government levels across the country.

In circulars issued by its national secretary, Rauf Aregbesola, the ADC said the congresses are expected to hold between January 20 and January 27, 2026.

The process, the party said, will lead to the emergence of delegates who will participate in its non-elective national convention scheduled for February 2026 in Abuja.

A statement by Bolaji Abdullahi, national publicity secretary of the party, said the decisions were reached at a meeting of the national working committee (NWC) held on November 27, 2025.

Abdullahi said the timetable and activities were approved in line with the resolutions of the NWC and in accordance with relevant provisions of the party’s constitution.

The ADC said further details on the membership exercise, congresses, and convention will be communicated to party members and stakeholders in due course.

Politics

INVESTIGATION: Why No Imo Governor Ever Controls Succession- The Untold Story

Published

2 hours ago

December 15, 2025

Ekwutos Blog

Imo State’s inability to sustain political succession from one elected governor to another is not accidental. It is the consequence of recurring structural failures rooted in elite conspiracy, federal power realignments, internal party implosions, zoning sensitivities, and the perennial arrogance of incumbency. From Achike Udenwa to Ikedi Ohakim and Rochas Okorocha, each administration fell victim to a combination of these forces, leaving behind a state where power is never inherited, only contested.

Achike Udenwa’s experience remains the most instructive example of how federal might and elite scheming can dismantle a governor’s succession plan. Governing between 1999 and 2007 under the PDP, Udenwa assumed that the party’s national dominance would guarantee internal cohesion in Imo. Instead, his tenure coincided with one of the most vicious intra-party wars the state has ever witnessed.

The Imo PDP split into two irreconcilable blocs. On one side was Udenwa’s grassroots-driven Onongono Group, powered by loyalists such as Alex Obi and anchored on local structures. On the other was a formidable Abuja faction populated by heavyweight figures including Kema Chikwe, Ifeanyi Araraume, Hope Uzodimma, Tony Ezenna, and others with direct access to federal influence. This was not a clash of personalities alone; it was a struggle over who controlled the levers of power beyond Owerri.

The conflict worsened when Udenwa openly aligned with then Vice President Atiku Abubakar during his bitter feud with President Olusegun Obasanjo. That alignment proved politically fatal. Obasanjo, determined to weaken Atiku’s network nationwide, withdrew federal support from governors perceived as loyal to the vice president. In Imo, the effect was immediate and devastating.

Federal agencies, party organs, and influence channels tilted decisively toward the Kema Chikwe-led Abuja faction. Udenwa lost effective control of the PDP structure, security leverage, and strategic influence. His foot soldiers in the Onongono Group could mobilise locally, but they could not withstand a coordinated assault backed by the centre.

His preferred successor, Charles Ugwu, never gained political altitude. By the time succession became imminent, Udenwa was already a governor without power. Even his later recalculations failed to reverse the tide. The party had slipped beyond his grasp.

The eventual outcome was politically ironic. Ikedi Ohakim emerged governor, backed by forces aligned with the federal establishment, notably Maurice Iwu—his kinsman and then Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Another Udenwa ally, Martin Agbaso, briefly tasted victory, only for his election to be cancelled. The lesson was brutal and unmistakable: without federal alignment, succession in Imo is almost impossible.

Notably, Udenwa’s record in office did not rescue him. Infrastructure development, relative stability, and administrative competence counted for little in the face of elite conspiracy operating simultaneously at state and federal levels. In Imo politics, performance is secondary to power alignment.

Ikedi Ohakim’s tenure presents a different dimension of failure. Unlike Udenwa, he never reached the point of succession planning. His administration was consumed by political survival. From 2007 to 2011, Ohakim governed amid persistent hostility from elites and a rapidly deteriorating public image.

Ohakim has consistently maintained that his downfall was orchestrated. Central to his claim is the allegation that he was blackmailed with a scandal involving the alleged assault of a Catholic priest, Reverend Father Eustace Eke. In a deeply religious state like Imo, the allegation was politically lethal.

Whether the claims were factual or exaggerated mattered less than their impact. The narrative overwhelmed governance, drowned out policy achievements, and turned public opinion sharply against him. Political elites who had midwifed his emergence quickly distanced themselves, sensing vulnerability.

By the 2011 election, Ohakim stood isolated. Party loyalty evaporated, elite cover disappeared, and voter sympathy collapsed. His re-election bid failed decisively. With that loss, any discussion of succession became irrelevant. His experience reinforces a core principle: a governor rejected by the electorate cannot dictate continuity.

*Uzodimma*

Rochas Okorocha’s rise in 2011 appeared to signal a break from Imo’s succession curse. Charismatic, populist, and financially powerful, he commanded party structures and grassroots loyalty. By his second term, he seemed politically unassailable.

Yet Okorocha committed the most consequential succession error in the state’s history. By attempting to impose his son-in-law, Uche Nwosu, as successor, he crossed from political strategy into dynastic ambition. That decision detonated his massive support base in the State overnight.

Imo’s political elites revolted almost unanimously. Party affiliation became secondary to a shared determination to stop what was widely perceived as an attempt to privatise public office. The revolt was elite-driven, strategic, and ruthless.

The zoning factor compounded the crisis. Okorocha hailed from Orlu zone; so did Nwosu. For many Imo voters, the prospect of Orlu retaining power through familial succession was unacceptable. What might have been tolerated as ambition became framed as entitlement.

This time, elite resistance aligned with popular sentiment. The electorate queued behind alternatives not necessarily out of conviction, but out of rejection. Crucially, Emeka Ihedioha emerged governor because Okorocha fatally miscalculated—splitting his base, provoking elite rebellion, and underestimating voter resentment. Okorocha’s formidable structure collapsed under internal rebellion and voter backlash, sealing his failure to produce a successor.

Hope Uzodimma’s current position must be assessed against this turbulent history. At present, the structural indicators are in his favour. He enjoys firm federal backing, controls the APC machinery in the state, and commands the support—or at least the compliance—of most major political elites.

Unlike Udenwa, Uzodimma is aligned with the centre. Unlike Ohakim, he has survived electoral tests. Unlike Okorocha, he has not openly flirted with dynastic politics. On the surface, the succession equation appears favorable.

*Udenwa*

However, Imo’s history cautions against certainty. Elite loyalty in the state is conditional and transactional. It endures only where interests are balanced, ambitions managed, and inclusion sustained. A wrong choice of successor could still provoke elite conspiracy, even if it emerges from within the ruling party.

The opposition remains weak and fragmented, with limited capacity to mobilize mass resistance. Yet voter apathy, now more pronounced than during the Udenwa and Okorocha eras, introduces a new risk. Disengaged electorates are unpredictable and often disruptive.

“Ohakim*

Ultimately, Uzodimma’s challenge is not opposition strength but elite psychology. Suppressed ambitions, if mishandled, can erupt. Succession in Imo has never been about coronation; it is about negotiation.

*Okorocha*

History is unforgiving to governors who confuse incumbency with ownership. Power in Imo is never transferred by decree. As 2027 approaches, the same forces that toppled past succession plans remain alive. Whether Uzodimma avoids their trap will depend not on power alone, but on restraint, balance, and political wisdom.