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Benue killings: Prof. Sebastine Hon , SAN writes President Tinubu

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7 months ago

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2ND JUNE, 2025

HE DIST. SEN. BOLA AHMED TINUBU, GCFR
PRESIDENT OF NIGERIA AND COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF
NIGERIAN ARMED FORCES
THE PRESIDENCY
ASO ROCK
ABUJA.

Your Excellency, Sir.

PETITION TO DECLARE A STATE OF MILITARY EMERGENCY IN BENUE STATE

I most deeply salute my dear President on the giant strides of his administration to make Nigeria great again. I particularly appreciate the improvement in the security situation in Zamfara, Sokoto, Kaduna, Kano, Niger, et cetera, which I have found out is the outcome of Mr. President’s collaborative efforts with the State Governors of those States.
The security situation in my State, however, is VERY FAST slipping out of hand. I have every reason to believe that, while Mr. President may have had the same disposition that led to improved security in the above-mentioned States, the Benue State Governor, Hyacinth Alia, and the military high command are seemingly not interested in achieving a similar feat in my home State, Benue. I state this with all the boldness in my veins, Mr. President.
I had previously publicly criticised the State Governor on this; and I hereby reaffirm what I said. Attached here is my Facebook (X) critique of his shocking endorsement of the daily murders in Benue State. Rather than address the issues raised, my Governor pushed his officials and social media sympathisers to launch attacks on my person.
Still worried, I personally wrote a joint letter to the Chief of Defence Staff, the Inspector-General of Police and the Director-General of State Security Services, detailing the failings of the military and paramilitary operations in the State. Shorn of its Annexures, a copy of the said letter is also hereto attached. Till date, nothing has been done, as is clearly evident from recent ugly happenings in the State, about the situation.
Two major reasons have made me to take this bold step of writing to Mr. President, namely:
(a) The fact that the Benue State Governor, Hyacinth Alia, keeps labelling the massive killings going on in Benue State as mere “skirmishes” and therefore justifying his unwillingness to address the matter! Few most recent examples (without overloading Mr. President who is ever busy with countless previous examples) shall suffice here:
(i) On May 29, 2025, Agan Community, right in Makurdi city, the State Capital, was attacked in broad daylight. Today marks four (4) days since then, and our dear Governor has not deemed it fit to issue a statement consoling the victims, not to talk of visiting the bereaved families/scene of attack. Indeed, he was dancing around on podiums in celebration of his two years in office on that same day – hours after the social media was agog with gory pictures and videos of the dead and the wounded!
(ii) On June 1, 2025, Naka, the Gwer West Local Government Headquarters and Edikwu-Ankpali, Community in Apa Local Area of Benue State, came under deadly attacks, resulting to several fatalities. Till this moment, the State Government has not deemed it necessary to issue any statement of concern, let alone condemnation. Rather, the Governor released a social media statement on his official handle several hours after news of the murderous attacks was already on air, pontificating about his attendance at the funeral of HRH Jam Gbinde in Konshisha Local Government Area. I attach the release from his social media handle here for your kind perusal, Sir. The most annoying was that his thugs later that same day assembled in Government House and were chanting “No Alia, No Benue” – a fact that is undeniable because it is all over the social media!
(iii) In reaction to every criticism of his lackluster performance on security issues or even suggestions on the way forward, the Governor’s social media goons roar like wounded lions, accusing the victims, sympathisers and commentators of “playing politics with human lives.” I have never seen a situation more annoying and appalling like this, Mr. President!
(iv) In the near recent time, the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, decried, in plenary (reported by the national media), the attitude of the Governor, who kept quiet after over 50 of his subjects were killed!
(b) The fact that the military commanders in Benue State seem to have all taken sides with the murderers. Too many examples abound; but kindly take note of the following:
(i) Agan Community in the North Bank area of Makurdi Metropolis was, as stated above, attacked on May 29, 2025 in broad daylight by the terrorists. Even though there is a military barracks in the same North Bank, no soldier was deployed to arrest the situation.
(ii) On May 24, 2025, Rev. Fr. Solomon Atongo was attacked on his way from Makurdi to Naka, the Headquarters of Gwer-East LGA. The scene was just about 500 meters from a military checkpoint; but none of the soldiers at the checkpoint came to his rescue until the attackers left him for dead. He is lucky to be alive today.
(iii) There are several online allegations of the complicity of the military in the attacks. Only on May 31, 2025, Catholic Priests directly accused the military of complicity and further informed the whole world how the Church has lost priests and laity and has closed over 15 parishes in Benue State. Kindly see a report on this by The Punch Newspaper, attached hereto, Sir.
(iv) The attackers always come in the numbers on motorcycles. Meanwhile, there are several military checkpoints along the roads! Where and how, if I may ask, do those murderers pass to the points of attack and back to their newly-acquired ‘bases’?
(v) In most cases, the social media is always agog with mass movement of those armed invaders. Even if there is intelligence failure (which is hereby flatly denied), those social media alerts have so far proved to be credible and reliable – because those heinous attacks take place in the directions/area the reports had mentioned!
(vi) In other flashpoints in Nigeria where insecurity has not even reached this level and dimension, the military has deployed drones and fighter jets/helicopters. Every Nigerian has seen the results so far; but I wonder why this same gesture is not extended to Benue State.
From the above abridged narration of the unfortunate developments in Benue State, it is MOST IMPERATIVE that a state of military emergency be declared by Mr. President in the State, pursuant to the provisions, as you very well know, Sir, of section 305 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended). Both historical and empirical factors support this; and I hereby adumbrate them.
1. On October 1, 1962 the first Republican Government of Tafawa Balewa declared a state of emergency in the Western Region of Nigeria, due to the seemingly ceaseless fatal crisis that rocked that Region, arising from the outcome of the 1962 census exercise.
2. On May 18, 2004, President Olusegun Obasanjo declared a state of emergency in Plateau State, following the loss of over 2000 lives, due to sectarian crisis between Muslims and Christians.
3. On October 19, 2006, President Obasanjo, in a national broadcast, declared a state of emergency in Ekiti State, due to widespread political violence there.
4. On December 31, 2011, President Goodluck Jonathan declared a state of emergency in some Local Government Areas in Borno and Plateau State, to stop the spiraling sectarian violence therein.
5. In a nationwide broadcast on Tuesday, May 14, 2013, President Goodluck Jonathan declared a state of military emergency in Borno, Adamawa and Yobe.
6. On March 18, 2025, Mr. President declared a state of emergency in Rivers State, due to brewing and real time security challenges in that State. The magnitude of such challenges in Benue State is much higher.
Mr. President, Sir, the Nigerian Constitution is modelled after the USA Constitution. Both countries are operating federal Constitutions and the presidential system of government. Examples of declarations of state of emergency by successive US Presidents may be of assistance here. Kindly note that, as at the end of April, 2025, ninety (90) emergencies had been declared in US history, out of which 41 have expired. Nonetheless, most of those Proclamations substantially achieved their goals. Some of the military declarations of emergency (which are the ones relevant here) include the following:
1. Proclamation 2352, by President Franklin Roosevelt on September 8, 1939 – to enforce neutrality in the strengthening of the national defence within the limits of peace-time authorisations.
2. Proclamation 2487, by President Franklin Roosevelt on May 27, 1941, which was a declaration of unlimited national emergency, to stem threats from Nazi Germany.
3. Proclamation 2914, by President Harry S. Truman on December 16, 1950, which declared that the US’ military, naval, air and civilian defenses should be used to fight communism as part of the Korean war.
4. Proclamation 7463, by President George Bush on September 14, 2001, following the September 11 attacks – which covered a wide range of declarations empowering the President to take serious steps to stem and control similar attacks.
5. Proclamation 10886, by President Donald Trump on January 20, 2025, which ordered the Secretary of Defence to redirect as many military units as needed, to aid the Secretary of Homeland Security in achieving full control of the US southern border, and to take all legal measures to deny physical entry into the US of illegal immigrants. President Trump stated in the Proclamation, inter alia, as follows:
America’s sovereignty is under attack. Our southern border is overrun by cartels, criminal gangs, known terrorists, human traffickers, smugglers, unvetted military-age males from foreign adversaries, and illicit narcotics that harm Americans, including America. This invasion has caused widespread chaos and suffering in our country over the last 4 years. It has led to the horrific and inexcusable murders of many innocent American citizens, including women and children…. Foreign criminal gangs and cartels have begun seizing control of parts of cities, attacking our most vulnerable citizens and terrorizing Americans beyond the control of the local law enforcement. Cartels control vast territories just south of our southern border, effectively controlling who can and cannot travel to the United States from Mexico…. This assault on the American people and the integrity of America’s sovereign borders represents a grave threat to our Nation.
Mr. President, Sir, the above excerpted contents of President Trump’s Emergency Proclamation 10886 represent what is currently happening in Benue State and even beyond. The sovereignty of Nigeria is under very serious risk! No situation is more fitting to declare a military state of emergency in Benue State! The time for you to act is now, Sir!
I conclude by urging Mr. President to order a removal and replacement of all the military commanders in Benue State. If possible, even the ground troops should also be replaced. The way and manner they are operating in the State is clearly unsatisfactory. All other terms of any such declaration or proclamation lie with my respected President.
God bless the father of the Nigerian Nation, even as I expect with all sense of humility yet strong responsibility that Mr. President will act on this letter WITH UTMOST DESPATCH.
Yours faithfully,

PROF. SEBASTINE T. HON, SAN, FCIArb., DSSRS
(Deeply sorrowing Benue indigene)

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Ndigbo are no longer spectators in the Nigerian project- Minister Dave Umahi dismisses calls for Biafra under Tinubu’s administration

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8 hours ago

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December 15, 2025

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The Minister of Works, David Umahi, says the all-inclusive style of governance being practiced by President Bola Tinubu has made the agitation for Biafra an unnecessary clamour.

While speaking at the inspection of the Enugu-Anambra road last Saturday, December 13, Umahi said the Tinubu administration had given Ndigbo what they had sought for decades, not through secession, but through what he described as unprecedented inclusion in national governance and development.

He explained that the agitation for Biafra was historically driven by neglect, exclusion and underrepresentation at the federal level, but insisted that the situation had changed under the current administration.

“When a people are fully integrated, respected and empowered within the structure of the nation, the dream they once chased through agitation has already been achieved through cooperation.

The push for Biafran secession over the years was borne out of neglect, exclusion and underrepresentation but today the narrative has changed dramatically under President Bola Tinubu.

The President has deliberately opened the doors of national development to the South-East. Appointments, policy inputs and infrastructure priorities now reflect true federal balance.

Every sector now bears visible Igbo footprints. The emergence of Igbo sons and daughters in strategic positions is a testament to this inclusion.

Biafra was never about breaking Nigeria; it was about being counted in Nigeria. Through inclusion, equity and concrete development, Ndigbo are no longer spectators in the Nigerian project; they are co-authors of its future. When justice finds a people, agitation loses its voice.”he said

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ADC Launches 90-Day Membership Drive, Fixes Dates For Congresses, National Convention

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8 hours ago

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December 15, 2025

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The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has announced a 90-day nationwide membership mobilisation, revalidation, and registration exercise as part of preparations for its internal party activities ahead of 2026.

The party also approved provisional dates for its congresses and the election of delegates at the polling unit, ward, and local government levels across the country.

In circulars issued by its national secretary, Rauf Aregbesola, the ADC said the congresses are expected to hold between January 20 and January 27, 2026.

The process, the party said, will lead to the emergence of delegates who will participate in its non-elective national convention scheduled for February 2026 in Abuja.

A statement by Bolaji Abdullahi, national publicity secretary of the party, said the decisions were reached at a meeting of the national working committee (NWC) held on November 27, 2025.

Abdullahi said the timetable and activities were approved in line with the resolutions of the NWC and in accordance with relevant provisions of the party’s constitution.

The ADC said further details on the membership exercise, congresses, and convention will be communicated to party members and stakeholders in due course.

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Politics

INVESTIGATION: Why No Imo Governor Ever Controls Succession- The Untold Story

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8 hours ago

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December 15, 2025

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Imo State’s inability to sustain political succession from one elected governor to another is not accidental. It is the consequence of recurring structural failures rooted in elite conspiracy, federal power realignments, internal party implosions, zoning sensitivities, and the perennial arrogance of incumbency. From Achike Udenwa to Ikedi Ohakim and Rochas Okorocha, each administration fell victim to a combination of these forces, leaving behind a state where power is never inherited, only contested.

Achike Udenwa’s experience remains the most instructive example of how federal might and elite scheming can dismantle a governor’s succession plan. Governing between 1999 and 2007 under the PDP, Udenwa assumed that the party’s national dominance would guarantee internal cohesion in Imo. Instead, his tenure coincided with one of the most vicious intra-party wars the state has ever witnessed.

The Imo PDP split into two irreconcilable blocs. On one side was Udenwa’s grassroots-driven Onongono Group, powered by loyalists such as Alex Obi and anchored on local structures. On the other was a formidable Abuja faction populated by heavyweight figures including Kema Chikwe, Ifeanyi Araraume, Hope Uzodimma, Tony Ezenna, and others with direct access to federal influence. This was not a clash of personalities alone; it was a struggle over who controlled the levers of power beyond Owerri.

The conflict worsened when Udenwa openly aligned with then Vice President Atiku Abubakar during his bitter feud with President Olusegun Obasanjo. That alignment proved politically fatal. Obasanjo, determined to weaken Atiku’s network nationwide, withdrew federal support from governors perceived as loyal to the vice president. In Imo, the effect was immediate and devastating.

Federal agencies, party organs, and influence channels tilted decisively toward the Kema Chikwe-led Abuja faction. Udenwa lost effective control of the PDP structure, security leverage, and strategic influence. His foot soldiers in the Onongono Group could mobilise locally, but they could not withstand a coordinated assault backed by the centre.

His preferred successor, Charles Ugwu, never gained political altitude. By the time succession became imminent, Udenwa was already a governor without power. Even his later recalculations failed to reverse the tide. The party had slipped beyond his grasp.

The eventual outcome was politically ironic. Ikedi Ohakim emerged governor, backed by forces aligned with the federal establishment, notably Maurice Iwu—his kinsman and then Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Another Udenwa ally, Martin Agbaso, briefly tasted victory, only for his election to be cancelled. The lesson was brutal and unmistakable: without federal alignment, succession in Imo is almost impossible.

Notably, Udenwa’s record in office did not rescue him. Infrastructure development, relative stability, and administrative competence counted for little in the face of elite conspiracy operating simultaneously at state and federal levels. In Imo politics, performance is secondary to power alignment.

Ikedi Ohakim’s tenure presents a different dimension of failure. Unlike Udenwa, he never reached the point of succession planning. His administration was consumed by political survival. From 2007 to 2011, Ohakim governed amid persistent hostility from elites and a rapidly deteriorating public image.

Ohakim has consistently maintained that his downfall was orchestrated. Central to his claim is the allegation that he was blackmailed with a scandal involving the alleged assault of a Catholic priest, Reverend Father Eustace Eke. In a deeply religious state like Imo, the allegation was politically lethal.

Whether the claims were factual or exaggerated mattered less than their impact. The narrative overwhelmed governance, drowned out policy achievements, and turned public opinion sharply against him. Political elites who had midwifed his emergence quickly distanced themselves, sensing vulnerability.

By the 2011 election, Ohakim stood isolated. Party loyalty evaporated, elite cover disappeared, and voter sympathy collapsed. His re-election bid failed decisively. With that loss, any discussion of succession became irrelevant. His experience reinforces a core principle: a governor rejected by the electorate cannot dictate continuity.

*Uzodimma*

 

Rochas Okorocha’s rise in 2011 appeared to signal a break from Imo’s succession curse. Charismatic, populist, and financially powerful, he commanded party structures and grassroots loyalty. By his second term, he seemed politically unassailable.

Yet Okorocha committed the most consequential succession error in the state’s history. By attempting to impose his son-in-law, Uche Nwosu, as successor, he crossed from political strategy into dynastic ambition. That decision detonated his massive support base in the State overnight.

Imo’s political elites revolted almost unanimously. Party affiliation became secondary to a shared determination to stop what was widely perceived as an attempt to privatise public office. The revolt was elite-driven, strategic, and ruthless.

The zoning factor compounded the crisis. Okorocha hailed from Orlu zone; so did Nwosu. For many Imo voters, the prospect of Orlu retaining power through familial succession was unacceptable. What might have been tolerated as ambition became framed as entitlement.

This time, elite resistance aligned with popular sentiment. The electorate queued behind alternatives not necessarily out of conviction, but out of rejection. Crucially, Emeka Ihedioha emerged governor because Okorocha fatally miscalculated—splitting his base, provoking elite rebellion, and underestimating voter resentment. Okorocha’s formidable structure collapsed under internal rebellion and voter backlash, sealing his failure to produce a successor.

Hope Uzodimma’s current position must be assessed against this turbulent history. At present, the structural indicators are in his favour. He enjoys firm federal backing, controls the APC machinery in the state, and commands the support—or at least the compliance—of most major political elites.

Unlike Udenwa, Uzodimma is aligned with the centre. Unlike Ohakim, he has survived electoral tests. Unlike Okorocha, he has not openly flirted with dynastic politics. On the surface, the succession equation appears favorable.

*Udenwa*

 

However, Imo’s history cautions against certainty. Elite loyalty in the state is conditional and transactional. It endures only where interests are balanced, ambitions managed, and inclusion sustained. A wrong choice of successor could still provoke elite conspiracy, even if it emerges from within the ruling party.

The opposition remains weak and fragmented, with limited capacity to mobilize mass resistance. Yet voter apathy, now more pronounced than during the Udenwa and Okorocha eras, introduces a new risk. Disengaged electorates are unpredictable and often disruptive.

“Ohakim*

 

Ultimately, Uzodimma’s challenge is not opposition strength but elite psychology. Suppressed ambitions, if mishandled, can erupt. Succession in Imo has never been about coronation; it is about negotiation.

*Okorocha*

History is unforgiving to governors who confuse incumbency with ownership. Power in Imo is never transferred by decree. As 2027 approaches, the same forces that toppled past succession plans remain alive. Whether Uzodimma avoids their trap will depend not on power alone, but on restraint, balance, and political wisdom.

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