Politics

Council autonomy: ALGON, NULGE kick as govs get N2tn LG allocations

Published

12 months ago

December 16, 2024

The Federation Accounts Allocation Committee disbursed a total of N2.08tn in allocations to Local Government Councils between July and December 2024, findings by The PUNCH have shown.

However, despite the July 2024 Supreme Court ruling granting full financial autonomy to Nigeria’s 774 Local Government Areas, The PUNCH learnt that the allocations were still paid to state government accounts.

This, it was learnt, has irked officials and members of the Association of the Local Governments of Nigeria and National Union of Local Government Employees.

The landmark Supreme Court ruling directed that funds meant for LGs should be paid directly into their accounts, bypassing state governments, in an effort to promote autonomy and ensure that the funds allocated to local governments were properly utilised.

Nearly six months after the judgment, the Federal Government had not effected direct payment of allocations to the local governments, as directed by the apex court.

The PUNCH reported that the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Wale Edun, said the Federal Government was yet to commence direct payment to the respective LGs due to some “practical impediments.”

He added that a committee had been set up by the Federal Government to look at the practicability of the judgment.

The Federal Government, it was learnt, faced challenges implementing the ruling on local government financial autonomy, with concerns over its impact on salary payments and operational viability.

An analysis of communiqués released after the monthly meeting of Federation Accounts Allocation Committee showed that from July to December 2024, the total distributable revenue amounted to N8.351tn, which was shared among the Federal Government, States, and Local Government Councils. The disbursements for each month were as follows:

In July 2024, the total revenue shared was N1.354tn. The Federal Government received N459.776bn, while the States received N461.979bn and the Local Government Councils received N337.019bn.

In August 2024, the total distributable revenue increased to N1.358tn. The Federal Government received N431.079bn, the States N473.477bn, and the LGCs N343.703bn, a slight increase of N6.684bn from the previous month. This represents a 2 per cent increase in the amount allocated to LGCs.

September 2024 saw a decrease in the total distributable revenue, which fell to N1.203tn. The Federal Government received N374.925bn, the States N422.861bn, and the Local Government Councils N306.533bn. This marked a significant drop of N37.170bn in LGC allocations compared to August 2024, a decrease of 10.1 per cent.

In October 2024, the total distributable revenue rose to N1.298tn. The Federal Government received N424.867bn, the States received N453.724bn, and the LGCs received N329.864bn. This marked an increase of N23.331bn, representing a 7.6 per cent rise in allocations to the LGCs from September.

The trend continued in November 2024, with the total distributable revenue increasing to N1.411tn. The Federal Government received N433.021bn, the States received N490.696bn, and the Local Government Councils received N355.621bn. This represented an increase of N25.757bn, or 7.8 per cent, compared to the previous month for LGC.

In December 2024, the total distributable revenue reached N1.727tn, the highest amount of the six-month period. The Federal Government received N581.856bn, the States N549.792bn, and the Local Government Councils received N402.553bn. This was the largest allocation to the LGs, with an increase of N46.932bn, which equated to a 13.2 per cent rise from November.

Over the six-month period, the total amount allocated to the Local Government Councils was N2.075tn out of the N8.351tn total distributable revenue. This allocation represents approximately 24.9 per cent of the total revenue shared.

We observed that was a 72.06 per cent increase in the allocations to local governments between July to December 2024 when compared to the same period of the previous year.

This means that there was an increase of N869bn from the N1.206tn allocated to local government councils within the same period last year.

The month of December saw the highest allocation to LGCs, marking a significant 13.2 per cent increase from the previous month. This sharp rise in December followed a steady upward trajectory in LGC allocations, with the biggest percentage increase seen in the final month of the year.

Despite these large disbursements, the question of whether the Supreme Court’s directive will be fully implemented remains unanswered.

In July this year, the Supreme Court declared that it is unconstitutional for state governors to hold funds allocated for local government administrations.

The seven-man panel, in the judgment delivered by Justice Emmanuel Agim, declared that the 774 local government councils in the country should manage their funds themselves.

The apex court held that the power of the government is portioned into three arms of government, the federal, the state and the local government.

The court further declared that a state government has no power to appoint a caretaker committee and a local government council is only recognisable with a democratically elected government.

The judgment held that the use of a caretaker committee amounts to the state government taking control of the local government and is in violation of the 1999 Constitution.

The court ruled that state governments are perpetuating a dangerous trend by refusing to allow democratically elected local government councils to function, instead appointing their loyalists who can only be removed by them.

The court stated that it is the local government that should receive and manage funds meant for local government.

The judgment held that the local government council funds must be paid to only democratically elected local government councils stating that “anything other than this will be taken as a gross misconduct.”

The Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi (SAN), earlier issued a stern warning to state governors bypassing the Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy, threatening to seek a contempt of court suit if the defiance continues.

Fagbemi also cautioned local government chairmen across the country against mismanaging or looting public funds.

The AGF stressed that the autonomy granted to local governments by the Supreme Court is to empower the grassroots and not for carting public funds into private pockets as such attitude will not go unpunished.

ALGON, NULGE kick

The Secretary-General of the Association of Local Governments of Nigeria, Mohammed Abubakar, while speaking on the delay in the direct payment of federal allocation to local governments, lamented the non-implementation of the Supreme Court ruling.

“Sincerely, we are all in the dark as we stand now. People who don’t want this LG autonomy to work are having a field day. Ordinarily, the Supreme Court judgment should not be left unattended. We are in the dark, to the extent that we cannot pinpoint what the government is trying to achieve by not enforcing the Supreme Court judgment allowing allocation to be paid directly to local government accounts,” Abubakar told The PUNCH.

He added, “The Nigeria Union of Local Government Employees and ALGON had made their submissions that the LGs accounts should be opened across board and submitted to the Office of The Accountant-General for the allocation to be disbursed directly.

But the governors are claiming that they already utilised funds for the interest of the local governments. They also argued that the local governments’ money is not enough to take care of all the health and the primary school teachers. But we are saying they should allow the implementation first, then we can make a case for whatever deficiencies we have.

In a situation where you don’t act but worry about some issues raised by the governors, which include that they have incurred a lot of loans on behalf of the local governments, then we may not have a way forward. So, these are the bottlenecks that we understand are causing these delays, but again there can be a way out of these issues and we have proffered some solutions to the committee. It is best known to the committee why it has not carried out the advice we gave to them.”

Also, the Ogun State Chairman of the Nigerian Union of Local Government Employees, Bayo Adefesobi, on Monday blamed the Federal Government for the non-implementation of the court judgment.

We have not seen the implementation of LG autonomy in Ogun State just as it is across the country. The blame for the non-implementation should go to the Federal Government that made the pronouncement but refused to follow up on its decision.

Once the Federal Government pays the allocation into the respective accounts of the local governments, the chairmen will access the funds and use them for grassroots development. So, we all await the Federal Government to do the needful.”

The Chairman, Kwara State chapter of NULGE, Seun Oyinlade, expressed disappointment over the non-implementation of the LG autonomy six months after the judgment.

He said “All the 16 local governments in the state did not receive their allocations directly from the Federal Government. If the councils had received direct allocation from the Federal Government, there would have been no need for the JAAC meeting held with the council officials before the payment of LG workers’ salaries for the month of November.”

Speaking with one of our correspondents, ex-chairman of Atakumosa West LG in Osun State, Francis Famurewa, lamented the fate of the lgs, saying despite being elected, LG chairmen were made to take instructions from the state’s Commissioner for Local Government Affairs, an appointee of the governor.

Asked if he was satisfied with the situation of the LGs, Famurewa said, “Nobody will be satisfied with the current situation where local governments are appendages of the state.

Most of the time, they are not just appendages, they are under the control of the Ministry of Local Government. When I was in office as chairman, we were more under the Commissioner for Local Government, which was a terrible situation.
Follow up Sylvester Joseph

Politics

Ndigbo are no longer spectators in the Nigerian project- Minister Dave Umahi dismisses calls for Biafra under Tinubu’s administration

Published

14 hours ago

December 15, 2025

Ekwutos Blog

The Minister of Works, David Umahi, says the all-inclusive style of governance being practiced by President Bola Tinubu has made the agitation for Biafra an unnecessary clamour.

While speaking at the inspection of the Enugu-Anambra road last Saturday, December 13, Umahi said the Tinubu administration had given Ndigbo what they had sought for decades, not through secession, but through what he described as unprecedented inclusion in national governance and development.

He explained that the agitation for Biafra was historically driven by neglect, exclusion and underrepresentation at the federal level, but insisted that the situation had changed under the current administration.

“When a people are fully integrated, respected and empowered within the structure of the nation, the dream they once chased through agitation has already been achieved through cooperation.

The push for Biafran secession over the years was borne out of neglect, exclusion and underrepresentation but today the narrative has changed dramatically under President Bola Tinubu.

The President has deliberately opened the doors of national development to the South-East. Appointments, policy inputs and infrastructure priorities now reflect true federal balance.

Every sector now bears visible Igbo footprints. The emergence of Igbo sons and daughters in strategic positions is a testament to this inclusion.

Biafra was never about breaking Nigeria; it was about being counted in Nigeria. Through inclusion, equity and concrete development, Ndigbo are no longer spectators in the Nigerian project; they are co-authors of its future. When justice finds a people, agitation loses its voice.”he said

Politics

ADC Launches 90-Day Membership Drive, Fixes Dates For Congresses, National Convention

Published

14 hours ago

December 15, 2025

Ekwutos Blog

The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has announced a 90-day nationwide membership mobilisation, revalidation, and registration exercise as part of preparations for its internal party activities ahead of 2026.

The party also approved provisional dates for its congresses and the election of delegates at the polling unit, ward, and local government levels across the country.

In circulars issued by its national secretary, Rauf Aregbesola, the ADC said the congresses are expected to hold between January 20 and January 27, 2026.

The process, the party said, will lead to the emergence of delegates who will participate in its non-elective national convention scheduled for February 2026 in Abuja.

A statement by Bolaji Abdullahi, national publicity secretary of the party, said the decisions were reached at a meeting of the national working committee (NWC) held on November 27, 2025.

Abdullahi said the timetable and activities were approved in line with the resolutions of the NWC and in accordance with relevant provisions of the party’s constitution.

The ADC said further details on the membership exercise, congresses, and convention will be communicated to party members and stakeholders in due course.

Politics

INVESTIGATION: Why No Imo Governor Ever Controls Succession- The Untold Story

Published

14 hours ago

December 15, 2025

Ekwutos Blog

Imo State’s inability to sustain political succession from one elected governor to another is not accidental. It is the consequence of recurring structural failures rooted in elite conspiracy, federal power realignments, internal party implosions, zoning sensitivities, and the perennial arrogance of incumbency. From Achike Udenwa to Ikedi Ohakim and Rochas Okorocha, each administration fell victim to a combination of these forces, leaving behind a state where power is never inherited, only contested.

Achike Udenwa’s experience remains the most instructive example of how federal might and elite scheming can dismantle a governor’s succession plan. Governing between 1999 and 2007 under the PDP, Udenwa assumed that the party’s national dominance would guarantee internal cohesion in Imo. Instead, his tenure coincided with one of the most vicious intra-party wars the state has ever witnessed.

The Imo PDP split into two irreconcilable blocs. On one side was Udenwa’s grassroots-driven Onongono Group, powered by loyalists such as Alex Obi and anchored on local structures. On the other was a formidable Abuja faction populated by heavyweight figures including Kema Chikwe, Ifeanyi Araraume, Hope Uzodimma, Tony Ezenna, and others with direct access to federal influence. This was not a clash of personalities alone; it was a struggle over who controlled the levers of power beyond Owerri.

The conflict worsened when Udenwa openly aligned with then Vice President Atiku Abubakar during his bitter feud with President Olusegun Obasanjo. That alignment proved politically fatal. Obasanjo, determined to weaken Atiku’s network nationwide, withdrew federal support from governors perceived as loyal to the vice president. In Imo, the effect was immediate and devastating.

Federal agencies, party organs, and influence channels tilted decisively toward the Kema Chikwe-led Abuja faction. Udenwa lost effective control of the PDP structure, security leverage, and strategic influence. His foot soldiers in the Onongono Group could mobilise locally, but they could not withstand a coordinated assault backed by the centre.

His preferred successor, Charles Ugwu, never gained political altitude. By the time succession became imminent, Udenwa was already a governor without power. Even his later recalculations failed to reverse the tide. The party had slipped beyond his grasp.

The eventual outcome was politically ironic. Ikedi Ohakim emerged governor, backed by forces aligned with the federal establishment, notably Maurice Iwu—his kinsman and then Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Another Udenwa ally, Martin Agbaso, briefly tasted victory, only for his election to be cancelled. The lesson was brutal and unmistakable: without federal alignment, succession in Imo is almost impossible.

Notably, Udenwa’s record in office did not rescue him. Infrastructure development, relative stability, and administrative competence counted for little in the face of elite conspiracy operating simultaneously at state and federal levels. In Imo politics, performance is secondary to power alignment.

Ikedi Ohakim’s tenure presents a different dimension of failure. Unlike Udenwa, he never reached the point of succession planning. His administration was consumed by political survival. From 2007 to 2011, Ohakim governed amid persistent hostility from elites and a rapidly deteriorating public image.

Ohakim has consistently maintained that his downfall was orchestrated. Central to his claim is the allegation that he was blackmailed with a scandal involving the alleged assault of a Catholic priest, Reverend Father Eustace Eke. In a deeply religious state like Imo, the allegation was politically lethal.

Whether the claims were factual or exaggerated mattered less than their impact. The narrative overwhelmed governance, drowned out policy achievements, and turned public opinion sharply against him. Political elites who had midwifed his emergence quickly distanced themselves, sensing vulnerability.

By the 2011 election, Ohakim stood isolated. Party loyalty evaporated, elite cover disappeared, and voter sympathy collapsed. His re-election bid failed decisively. With that loss, any discussion of succession became irrelevant. His experience reinforces a core principle: a governor rejected by the electorate cannot dictate continuity.

*Uzodimma*

Rochas Okorocha’s rise in 2011 appeared to signal a break from Imo’s succession curse. Charismatic, populist, and financially powerful, he commanded party structures and grassroots loyalty. By his second term, he seemed politically unassailable.

Yet Okorocha committed the most consequential succession error in the state’s history. By attempting to impose his son-in-law, Uche Nwosu, as successor, he crossed from political strategy into dynastic ambition. That decision detonated his massive support base in the State overnight.

Imo’s political elites revolted almost unanimously. Party affiliation became secondary to a shared determination to stop what was widely perceived as an attempt to privatise public office. The revolt was elite-driven, strategic, and ruthless.

The zoning factor compounded the crisis. Okorocha hailed from Orlu zone; so did Nwosu. For many Imo voters, the prospect of Orlu retaining power through familial succession was unacceptable. What might have been tolerated as ambition became framed as entitlement.

This time, elite resistance aligned with popular sentiment. The electorate queued behind alternatives not necessarily out of conviction, but out of rejection. Crucially, Emeka Ihedioha emerged governor because Okorocha fatally miscalculated—splitting his base, provoking elite rebellion, and underestimating voter resentment. Okorocha’s formidable structure collapsed under internal rebellion and voter backlash, sealing his failure to produce a successor.

Hope Uzodimma’s current position must be assessed against this turbulent history. At present, the structural indicators are in his favour. He enjoys firm federal backing, controls the APC machinery in the state, and commands the support—or at least the compliance—of most major political elites.

Unlike Udenwa, Uzodimma is aligned with the centre. Unlike Ohakim, he has survived electoral tests. Unlike Okorocha, he has not openly flirted with dynastic politics. On the surface, the succession equation appears favorable.

*Udenwa*

However, Imo’s history cautions against certainty. Elite loyalty in the state is conditional and transactional. It endures only where interests are balanced, ambitions managed, and inclusion sustained. A wrong choice of successor could still provoke elite conspiracy, even if it emerges from within the ruling party.

The opposition remains weak and fragmented, with limited capacity to mobilize mass resistance. Yet voter apathy, now more pronounced than during the Udenwa and Okorocha eras, introduces a new risk. Disengaged electorates are unpredictable and often disruptive.

“Ohakim*

Ultimately, Uzodimma’s challenge is not opposition strength but elite psychology. Suppressed ambitions, if mishandled, can erupt. Succession in Imo has never been about coronation; it is about negotiation.

*Okorocha*

History is unforgiving to governors who confuse incumbency with ownership. Power in Imo is never transferred by decree. As 2027 approaches, the same forces that toppled past succession plans remain alive. Whether Uzodimma avoids their trap will depend not on power alone, but on restraint, balance, and political wisdom.