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How I flew Buhari around during 1983 coup – 80-year-old ex-Nigeria Airways pilot

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Eighty-year-old retired pilot, Captain Jaiyeola Adeola, shares with TEMITOPE ADETUNJI his journey from a carefree childhood to becoming a pioneering Nigerian pilot. He also reflects on his 35 years in aviation, witnessing the rise and fall of Nigeria Airways, changes in the country over time, and other issues

In those days, what was it like growing up as a child compared to now?

Things were easier. We had everything we needed—surplus food, good education, good schools, and security. As children in primary school, we went to school unaccompanied. We played football until dusk, and no one was afraid.

We went to the farm far from town without fear. We were free, we had fun, we had friends, and we were close. Life was peaceful. People didn’t place such emphasis on money as they do now.

 

Young people today are chasing money and can do anything to get it. Back then, even as kids, we didn’t really care about money. Fruits were free; food was free. We had enough. Maybe two or three pairs of shoes; in fact, most of us went to school barefooted, and it didn’t bother us.

Material things didn’t mean much. What we had was contentment. We were happy and had a very good childhood. We were raised in church, and the Christian upbringing was quite strict.

They could read and write Yoruba fluently but were not formally taught English.

What values did they instill in you that helped shape your life?

Discipline; that was the main thing. We weren’t allowed to misbehave. Of course, we were pampered and had everything we needed, so there was no reason to steal or misbehave. The Christian discipline was strict. You couldn’t just leave the house without informing your parents, and you couldn’t stay out too long without facing punishment.

We had responsibilities from the age of 10. We had to wash all the kitchen utensils, clean the house, and sweep designated areas before going to school. We woke up as early as 6 a.m. to do our chores. We were taught responsibility.

I read about you and saw that you were referred to as a captain. Is that correct?

Yes, back then, the government was well-administered and transparent. After technical school, I got my first job with Guinness in 1965 as an electrical technician.

It was while working there that I saw an advert in the newspaper for aircraft pilot training. I applied and sat the exam. The exam was conducted by a division of WAEC named TEDRO (Test Development and Research Organisation).

We had about three stages of the exam in Lagos. Eventually, we were sent to Zaria to what is now known as the Nigerian College of Aviation Technology for the final stage.

We stayed at the college for two weeks, had classes, and were tested. I was fortunate to be selected as one of the student pilots. At that time, only 22 students were admitted from across the entire country. I was in Course 3; the school restarted in 1967. I was admitted in 1969. It was a two-year program.

So, what was the process of training like back then?

It was a full-time, two-academic-year course, including theory and practical flying training. We started with small, light aircraft that could take only the instructor and the student. Then we moved on to larger ones that could seat about four passengers and two pilots.

Those aircraft had two engines. The final qualification required us to take the UK Civil Aviation Authority exams. A UK check pilot was sent to test us in flying. That was how we obtained our commercial pilot licenses.

At what age did you become a pilot?

I was 26.

Nigeria Airways used to be a symbol of national pride. As someone who rose to the position of General Manager for West Africa, how would you describe its golden years?

I graduated from Zaria in 1971 and worked as a flying instructor until 1976.

Then I joined Nigeria Airways in 1976 as a co-pilot and became a captain in 1981.

I was appointed General Manager Operations for West Africa, the ECOWAS region, and served for some years. It was an extra appointment while I was still flying. I remained a captain until the president shut down Nigeria Airways.

What can you say about the closure of Nigeria Airways?

It was a disaster. Aviation was destroyed in Nigeria; that’s the best way to put it. The airline was operational. When the Federal Government shut down the airline, we pleaded with the president not to. We believed we could keep it going.

The MD at the time, Mr. Abayomi Jones, an excellent manager, came from Lufthansa, where he served as General Manager. After his retirement, he was employed as the Managing Director of Nigeria Airways. He did a great job by keeping the airline afloat.

We appealed to the administration not to shut it down. Mr. Jones even told the government, ‘Don’t give us any money. We don’t need funding from the government. Just leave us alone and let us manage and operate the airline ourselves.’

However, we never really understood what motivated the government. Despite all our pleas and the evidence we provided showing the airline was still functional, he insisted on shutting it down.

So, what was your next move after that happened?

In 2004, I joined ADC Airlines as a captain. While there, I was also appointed Director of Flight Operations for some time. But in 2006, ADC had an accident in Abuja, and the government shut it down.

From there, I joined Capital Airlines as Director of Flight Operations, then left in 2009 to work with Allied Air, a cargo airline, as a project coordinator for their fleet change.

After that, I moved to HAK Air as General Manager. Captain Harrison Kuti brought in five Boeing 737s to start an airline. I left after some months due to disagreements on standards.

I also had the opportunity to serve in the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority on a two-year renewable contract as Operations Safety Inspector from 2014 to 2016. My contract was not renewed by the DG then, and I left in 2016.

Another opportunity came from Ibom Airlines Limited, and I participated in the certification and launch of the airline as the pioneer Director of Flight Operations until 2021, when I left and decided to retire.

You must have met world leaders, presidents, business moguls, and even military rulers during your time. Do you have any interesting or shocking encounters that you will never forget?

Well, I was a pilot for some of the head of state flights when I worked with Nigeria Airways. I flew as co-pilot when General (Olusegun) Obasanjo went to Khartoum (the capital of Sudan) for an OAU meeting when he was the head of state. I was on the 707 flight to Khartoum.

I also flew General (Muhammadu) Buhari around during the 1983 coup. I remember that for about two or three days, the government hadn’t been formed, and General Buhari, who led the coup, was moving across the country. I was the pilot who flew him around during those three days.

Again, I flew General Ibrahim Babangida to Nairobi when he was head of state. Some of these leaders would sit one-on-one with us in the cockpit and discuss issues concerning Nigeria. They often came into the cockpit to greet us and sometimes stayed for over an hour. I had personal interactions with many of them while working.

Nigeria Airways essentially served as the presidential fleet before an official one was created. Many of these leaders, I would say, didn’t fully understand what nationhood meant. For many of them, leadership was more of an adventure.

Nigeria today seems very different from the country you grew up in. What do you think has changed the most, for better or for worse?

One of the problems I observe today is the collapse of the government secretariat. Back then, you could walk into a Federal Government office and get things done officially. The civil service was efficient and disciplined. Civil service rules were strictly followed.

Today, the secretariat seems to have moved to party headquarters or some hidden office. The same thing applies at the state level. Civil servants no longer play a meaningful role in administration. Everything is centered on the president or the governor. But it is the secretariat that should manage the state, not the governor alone.

That’s a major issue. Politicians have destroyed the civil service. Most workers are now cronies with no interest in actual work. They are inefficient, often unqualified, and not competent enough to manage the portfolios or departments assigned to them.

Now, even processing a document in a government office is a herculean task. You could conduct a survey just by observing the conditions of these offices. Even the furniture and office setup for civil servants are substandard, and so is their condition of service.

Can you describe the feeling of moving or diversifying from electrical engineering to becoming a pilot? What was the experience like?

It was a wonderful experience for me. My earlier technical training involved machines and equipment, so when it came to aircraft, I found it easier to grasp many of the technical aspects. The course was quite difficult, with a very narrow margin for failure.

If you failed a test or didn’t pass a progress check, you would be expelled. Out of the 22 people who started the training in my class, only 12 of us completed it. The rest were expelled for failing tests or underperforming.

How old are you?

I am 80-years-old.

Let’s talk about marriage. You’ve been married for decades. What is the secret to staying together in a world that seems to celebrate divorce and side chicks?

Well, I’ve been married for 52 years now. I believe the issue with many young people today is indiscipline and intolerance. Also, the influence of Christian values is not as strong as it used to be. Many people shout, ‘Praise the Lord’ without truly living by the teachings of Christianity. If you love someone, you wouldn’t want to hurt them.

If you get married in love, you won’t want to do anything to harm your spouse. Of course, there will be disagreements, but as someone once said, ‘A little argument should not destroy a great friendship.’ Differences of opinion are natural, but they shouldn’t lead to fights. Today, people lack discipline. Discipline is doing the right thing, even when it’s uncomfortable or inconvenient.

How did you meet your wife?

I met my wife through a friend. His girlfriend was in the same school as my wife.

Was it secondary school?

No, it was the Federal School of Radiography in Lagos. They were radiographers. We visited them one day, and among the group, something clicked between my wife and me. Since then, we’ve been together.

What were the things you saw in her that made you feel like ‘yes, she is the one?’

I saw that she cared. She was honest and simple. Our courtship was quite beautiful. We respected each other’s preferences. What she liked, I accepted. What I liked, she tolerated. There was no ‘it must be my way’ attitude.

How long were you in a relationship before getting married?

About 15 months, roughly a year and a half.

You were a man of the skies. Did your career ever cause tension at home, and how did your wife cope with your frequent travels?

That’s one of the things I really appreciate about her. She is wise, strong, and devoted to the family. We also had a close relationship with colleagues and friends, so my absence didn’t lead to loneliness. Plus, we had four boys, so she had her hands full. She was also working, so she was busy.

So, what can you say is the secret to your marriage?

We love each other and are very close. What worked for us was the decision not to fight over any issue. There is no issue that cannot be resolved. If you must fight, it has to be over something significant. Otherwise, it’s not worth it. We don’t fight.

Do you believe Nigeria can ever return to the kind of country you once knew—disciplined, visionary, and orderly?

The only way Nigeria can return to that path is if Nigerians start telling the truth, even to themselves. Ethnic groups are not truthful with one another. We’ve lived together for too long and are too integrated for any breakup to work without disaster. Intermarriage, shared communities— all of these make the country’s separation unprofitable.

But people are dishonest and selfish. I think we’ve been acting foolishly as a nation. If you allow me to say it, I’ve always seen Nigeria as a paradise that God created and placed us in to flourish and enjoy. Instead, we’re busy tearing at one another viciously and behaving foolishly, and no one is enjoying the paradise.

That’s why I once thought of writing a book, but I couldn’t put it together. The title I had in mind was ‘The Aches and Pains of a Foolish Nation.’

We’re suffering not because Nigeria lacks resources; the country is wealthy and rich in every sense, but because we are not applying science, education, or strategic planning.

If you study what Chief Obafemi Awolowo did, you’ll understand. If every Nigerian had Awolowo’s mindset, Nigeria would be the China of Africa today.

Right now, no one is developing anything. Everything revolves around governors or the president. But the real influencers are the people around them. Unfortunately, they are also part of Nigeria’s biggest problems.

What are the things you are grateful to God for?

There are many things. First and foremost, I flew airplanes for 35 years without a single incident or accident. That kind of safety can only be by the grace of God. It certainly wasn’t by my own power. I’ve always believed that God is the true captain of every flight.

I remember a small poster I came across while serving as a safety officer. It read, ‘If God is your co-pilot, swap seats.’ That message stayed with me.

Whether in aviation or in everyday life, I believe we should all make God the captain of our journey.

We should take the co-pilot seat because if you’re sitting in the captain’s seat, you’re claiming to be in control, but the true power and direction come from Him.

Where is your wife from?

She’s from Warri, Delta State.

As a Yoruba man, what was your family’s initial reaction to your decision to marry a woman from a different ethnic background?

Since I was 20, when I took my first job, no one in my family has had anything to do with the decisions I made, or the life I lived. Not even my brother or parents. I’ve been independent since then. So, I didn’t even have to involve them. Fortunately for me, my wife speaks Yoruba fluently.

At this age, having the privilege to be alive and see your grandchildren, how do you feel?

I feel happy. I speak with them every week, twice a week. There are five of them now. I speak with them quite often.

Are you involved in anything now that you are retired?

I am currently the President of the Alumni Association of the Nigerian College of Aviation Technology, Zaria. I also serve on the Board of Trustees of the Wings Support Family Foundation.

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Orji Uzor Kalu

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Orji Uzor Kalu MON (born 21 April 1960) is a prominent Nigerian politician, businessman, and former two-term governor of Abia State. He is widely recognized for his influence in both Nigeria’s political landscape and its private sector, particularly in media and diversified business enterprises.

Early Life and Education

Kalu was born in Abia State, where he grew up and began his early education. He later attended the University of Maiduguri but was suspended during a period of student activism. Despite the interruption, Kalu went on to build a successful entrepreneurial career before fully venturing into politics. Over the years, he completed various academic and executive programs, strengthening his profile as a businessman and public administrator.

Business Career

Before entering high-level politics, Kalu established himself as a successful entrepreneur. He is the Chairman of SLOK Holding, a business conglomerate with interests spanning:

trading

manufacturing

shipping

banking

oil and gas

His investments expanded both within Nigeria and internationally. Kalu also holds significant influence in the Nigerian media industry as the chairman and principal owner of The Daily Sun and New Telegraph, two widely circulated national newspapers. Through these enterprises, he has contributed to Nigeria’s media development, business growth, and employment generation.

Political Career

Kalu ventured into politics in the early 1990s. His major political breakthrough came in 1999, when he was elected Governor of Abia State, the first governor of the state under Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. He served two terms from 29 May 1999 to 29 May 2007.

During his governorship, Kalu focused on:

infrastructural development

education reforms

rural development

fiscal transparency

encouragement of local enterprise

He became known for his bold political style and his outspokenness on national issues. Kalu also played influential roles in national politics, aligning with various political parties at different times and serving as one of the notable political actors in Southeast Nigeria.

Senatorial Career

In 2019, Kalu was elected as the Senator representing Abia North Senatorial District in the Nigerian Senate. In the Senate, he has participated in legislative debates, sponsored bills, and advocated for policies supporting economic growth, regional development, and national unity.

Legal Challenges

Kalu faced legal controversies regarding corruption allegations linked to his time as governor. He was convicted in 2019 by a Federal High Court; however, the Supreme Court later nullified the conviction, citing procedural errors and ordering a retrial. The development became one of the most widely discussed legal cases involving a high-ranking public official in Nigeria.

Honours and Recognition

Kalu holds the national honour of Member of the Order of the Niger (MON). His political and business careers have earned him recognition across Nigeria and beyond, while his strong media presence continues to shape public discourse.

Personal Life

He is married and has children. Kalu maintains a significant influence in both political and business circles and continues to be an active figure in Nigerian public life.

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THE EXECUTION OF THE 1976 COUP PLOTTERS IN NIGERIA

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On Friday, February 13, 1976, Nigeria was shaken by a tragic and violent coup d’état led by Lieutenant Colonel Bukar Suka Dimka. The most devastating outcome of this failed coup was the assassination of the nation’s then Head of State, General Murtala Ramat Muhammed. He was gunned down in Ikoyi, Lagos, as he traveled unescorted to his office at the Dodan Barracks. His death sent shockwaves across the country and marked a dark chapter in Nigeria’s post-independence political history.

General Murtala Muhammed had only been in office for approximately 200 days, yet he was deeply admired for his bold reforms, anti-corruption stance, and efforts to return Nigeria to civilian rule. His untimely death sparked outrage, mourning, and swift retribution by the military establishment.

The coup, though partially successful in its initial hours, quickly collapsed. Loyalist forces, particularly those under the command of then Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, Lieutenant General Olusegun Obasanjo, and General Theophilus Danjuma, regained control of strategic institutions. Dimka had temporarily seized the state radio to broadcast his justification for the coup, accusing the Muhammed regime of corruption and maladministration. However, his broadcast was cut short, and he fled Lagos.

Olusegun Obasanjo, after initial hesitation, accepted the call to leadership and succeeded Muhammed as Head of State. His new regime was determined to punish the conspirators severely and deter future insurrections. What followed was one of the most publicized military trials and mass executions in Nigerian history.

The Court-Martial and Executions

Over 100 military personnel and civilians were arrested in connection to the failed coup. Following military investigations and tribunals, dozens were convicted of plotting, aiding, or executing the coup attempt. The convicted officers were sentenced to death by firing squad, and the executions were carried out in two major rounds.

The first set of executions took place on March 11, 1976, at Bar Beach, Lagos, a location known at the time for public executions. Under the supervision of General Obasanjo’s military government, 31 individuals were executed, including senior officers, junior ranks, and one civilian. These included:

1. Major General I. D. Bisalla (former Commissioner for Defence)

2. Warrant Officer II Monday Monchon

3. Staff Sergeant Richard Dungdang

4. Sergeant Sale Pankshin

5. Lieutenant Colonel A. R. Aliyu

6. Captain M. Parvwong

7. Captain J. F. Idi

8. Captain S. Wakins

9. Lieutenant Mohammed

10. Lieutenant E. L. K. Shelleng

11. Lieutenant Colonel Ayuba Tense

12. Colonel A. D. S. Way

13. Lieutenant Colonel T. K. Adamu

14. Lieutenant Colonel A. B. Umaru

15. Captain A. A. Aliyu

16. Captain Augustine Dawurang

17. Major M. M. Mshelia

18. Lieutenant William Seri

19. Major I. B. Ribo

20. Major K. K. Gagra

21. Captain M. R. Gelip

22. Mr. Abdulkarim Zakari (a civilian who assisted in the radio broadcast)

23. Lieutenant Peter Ggani

24. Major Ola Ogunmekan

25. Lieutenant O. Zagmi

26. Lieutenant S. Wayah

27. Sergeant Ahmadu Rege

28. Sergeant Bala Javan

29. Warrant Officer II Sambo Dankshin

30. Warrant Officer II Emmanuel Dakup Seri

31. Major J. W. Kasai

A second round of executions took place between May 15 and 17, 1976, following the capture and trial of the coup leader and his key accomplices. This final round included:

32. Lieutenant Colonel Bukar Suka Dimka (leader of the coup)

33. Joseph D. Gomwalk (former Military Governor of Benue-Plateau State)

34. Lieutenant S. Kwale

35. Warrant Officer H. E. Bawa

36. Colonel I. Buka

37. Major J. K. Afolabi

38. H. Shaiyen

Dimka was captured after a nationwide manhunt and interrogation. During his trial, he remained defiant and refused to express remorse. His execution, along with the others, was carried out in secrecy, though public knowledge of it spread quickly.

These executions were meant to send a clear signal that treason and political instability would not be tolerated. While controversial, especially due to the scale and speed of the trials, the actions taken by the Obasanjo-led government reinforced military discipline and temporarily stabilized Nigeria’s political environment.

General Olusegun Obasanjo would go on to continue the reform agenda of the late Murtala Muhammed and, in 1979, became the first military leader in Nigeria to voluntarily hand over power to a democratically elected civilian government. This marked the beginning of Nigeria’s Second Republic.

The 1976 coup attempt remains one of Nigeria’s most defining political crises, remembered not only for the tragic loss of a visionary leader but also for the massive response it provoked from the military and the Nigerian public.

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Tokunbo Akintola: The First Black African Student at Eton College

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In April 1964, a quiet but historic milestone was recorded in the educational and social history of both Nigeria and Britain. On the 29th of that month, the family of Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola—then Premier of the Western Region of Nigeria—stood proudly at Eton College in England as his son, Tokunbo Akintola, was formally admitted as the first Black African student in the school’s centuries-long history. At just thirteen years old, Tokunbo stepped into one of the most prestigious educational institutions in the world, a boarding school that had shaped the minds of British royals, aristocrats, intellectuals, and nineteen British Prime Ministers.

The photograph taken that day captures not merely a familial moment but a symbol of cultural diplomacy and evolving global relations. The Akintola family appears in a dignified blend of traditional Nigerian attire and modest Western clothing—a visual representation of their deep Yoruba roots and their engagement with the global stage. Standing at the centre is young Tokunbo, clad in his new school uniform, poised to begin an educational journey many could only dream of. Around him, his family offers a visible aura of pride, hope, and expectation.

Chief Ladoke Akintola, Tokunbo’s father, was by then one of the most influential political figures in Nigeria. A trained lawyer, seasoned journalist, and an orator known for his eloquence, he had risen to become Premier of the Western Region during a turbulent but significant period in Nigeria’s post-independence political evolution. His son’s admission into Eton represented both personal achievement and national symbolism—proof that African families could now step confidently onto platforms historically reserved for the British elite.

Eton College itself stood as an institution of immense reputation. Founded in 1440 by King Henry VI, it had become synonymous with leadership and privilege, producing generations of statesmen, military leaders, and members of the Royal Family. For centuries, its doors had remained firmly closed to Africans. Tokunbo’s arrival in 1964 therefore marked a quiet breaking of barriers, the beginning of a new chapter in cross-cultural educational exchange.

Tokunbo remained at Eton through the late 1960s, navigating the school’s rigorous academic environment and its deeply traditional culture. Those who remember him described him as gentle, intelligent, and quietly charismatic. Yet his life, promising as it was, would be a short one. Four years after leaving Eton, in 1973, Tokunbo Akintola died tragically at a young age, cutting short what many believed could have become a remarkable legacy in law, politics, or diplomacy—fields that seemed perfectly aligned with his upbringing and the reputation of his father.

Today, Tokunbo’s story endures as part of Nigeria’s broader historical narrative. It represents the aspirations of a generation of postcolonial families who sought to blend African identity with global opportunity. It also stands as a reminder of the contributions—and sacrifices—made by those who walked early paths of representation, carrying the hopes of their families and nations with them.

Source:
Getty Images archival description; historical records on Ladoke Akintola and Eton College.

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