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INEC gives reasons why upload of 2023 presidential election result was slow

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Some Months after claiming that an attempted hack led to the slow upload of the 2023 presidential election result on its election viewing portal (IRev), the Independent National Electoral Commission has said that the issue was caused by an unforeseen configuration issue in integrating the presidential election upload into the system.

 

INEC, in a 526-page report on the conduct of the 2023 general elections also noted the currency swap issue and fuel scarcity within the period also impacted negatively on the elections.

 

The commission also said that while the configuration problems experienced at the commencement of result upload were immediately addressed, further delays arose as a result of the Polling Officers either switching off their devices or leaving their locations, making it difficult for their IREV to communicate with the device.

 

It noted that several results that were scanned earlier before the glitch queued up for upload, making the system slow, thereby delaying some of the uploads till the following day.

 

INEC also said it suffered over 50 attacks on its buildings and facilities in various LGAs and State Offices across 15 States of the federation leading to losses in terms of vehicles, office equipment and election materials.

 

The commission also insisted that the 2023 general election remains diverse in terms of representation both at the state and federal levels as more political parties won elections in either the state Assemblies or the National Assembly with four parties- APC, PDP, LP and NNPP winning governorship elections.

 

The Report, with a foreword by the Commission Chairman, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu read;

 

“On the 25th of February 2023, the nation held the Presidential and National Assembly Elections. These elections were notable for their peaceful and orderly conduct, marked by the absence of significant instances of violence, with over 25% of registered voters casting their ballots.

“Polls opened on time in most polling stations and were generally smooth and orderly. There were some reports of technical glitches with the BVAS, although these were addressed by the roving technical staff assigned to address such issues. The counting, collation, and declaration of results process were largely peaceful, transparent, and credible nationwide.

“While the former was tailored to serve as the nerve centre for monitoring the conduct of elections across the 774 LGAs nationwide, the latter served as the venue for the National Collation of results emanating from States. Throughout the electoral process, Election Monitoring Support Centres (EMSCs) in every state served as a vital source of field information and intervention.

“The National Situation Room was also set up for the conduct of the Governorship and State Houses of Assembly Elections, held on the 18th March 2023. This time, it was replicated in all 36 states. The Situation rooms both at the national and State level were managed by a team of experts from INEC, the security agencies and other relevant organisations.

“A key challenge that impacted on the public perception of the election and elicited widespread commentary was the failure to upload Polling Unit results of the presidential election to the INEC Result Viewing (IReV) portal in real-time at the close of polls on Saturday 25th February 2023”

“To begin with, it is important to note that the IReV portal is one of the most significant innovations introduced by the Commission prior to the 2023 General Election to promote the integrity and transparency of the electoral process. As a public-facing website, the IReV portal shows the images of the original Polling Unit result sheets as recorded in Form EC8A.

“The operational methodology and the concept behind the upload of results to the IReV for public viewing is quite simple. At the end of polls, Polling Unit results (Form EC8As) are scanned and uploaded to the IReV by the Presiding Officer(s). These results are then available for viewing to the public and all stakeholders.

“The system, which was first deployed during Nasarawa Central State Constituency bye-election in August 2020 and tested in 105 subsequent elections, including three (3) off-cycle governorship elections, has tremendously improved public confidence in the integrity and transparency of the Commission’s result management process.

“The challenge of uploading the PU presidential election results on the IReV after the presidential and NASS elections on 25th February 2023 was unique. As voting ended across the country and POs began the process of uploading the images of the PU result sheets of the elections for the various constituencies around 1 4:00pm, the Commission began to receive reports that attempts to upload presidential 4 election result sheets was failing.”

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OHANAEZE YOUTH COUNCIL REPLIES NORTHERN ELDERS FORUM: YES, IGBO YOUTHS WANT BIAFRA

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By Comrade Igboayaka O. Igboayaka

President OHANEZE YOUTH COUNCIL

The Ohanaeze Youth Council (OYC) has formally replied to the recent statement credited to the Northern Elders Forum, wherein they suggested that if Igbo youths truly desire Biafra, the Nigerian government should not stand in their way.

While we acknowledge this rare moment of honesty, OYC states clearly and unequivocally:-Yes — Igbo youths want Biafra. And this desire is not born out of hatred, but out of decades of injustice, exclusion, and systemic oppression.

The agitation for Biafra is the direct consequence of Nigeria’s persistent failure to build an equitable and inclusive federation.

WHY IGBO YOUTHS ARE DEMANDING BIAFRA

Our position is anchored on undeniable realities:-

*1. Political Differences:-Nigeria’s political structure has consistently marginalized the Southeast. Since the return to democracy in 1999, the Igbo nation has been deliberately excluded from key leadership positions, particularly the Presidency and critical security offices. Federal appointments, resource control, and political representation remain grossly imbalanced against Ndigbo.The so-called federal system operates more like a unitary arrangement where certain regions dominate while others are reduced to spectators.*

*2. Social Differences:-Social integration in Nigeria has collapsed. Igbo citizens face profiling, harassment, and selective enforcement of laws across different parts of the country. Peaceful protests in Igboland are met with military brutality, while violent extremism elsewhere often receives negotiation and amnesty.This double standard has deepened alienation among Igbo youths.*

*3. Cultural Differences:-Our language, traditions, and values are neither protected nor promoted within the Nigerian framework. Instead, Igbo culture is routinely undermined and treated as inferior. A nation that fails to respect the cultural identity of its people cannot claim unity.*

*4. Religious Differences:-Religious intolerance has become normalized. Christian communities in the Southeast feel increasingly threatened in a country where religious bias influences policy, security response, and governance. The absence of genuine religious neutrality further widens the divide.*

*5. Ethnic Hate Against Ndigbo:- Anti-Igbo rhetoric has been openly displayed in national discourse. From threats of expulsion to hate speeches and coordinated attacks, Ndigbo have become targets within their own country. Properties belonging to Igbos are often destroyed during crises, with little or no compensation or justice.This persistent hostility sends a clear message;we are not wanted.*

*6. Systemic Marginalization:- From abandoned federal roads to exclusion from major infrastructure projects, from poor seaport development to economic strangulation, the Southeast remains deliberately underdeveloped. Igbo youths graduate into unemployment, poverty, and despair while watching other regions benefit disproportionately from national resources.*

*This is not accidental. It is structural.*

*OUR MESSAGE IS SIMPLE*
*Igbo youths are not asking for war.*

*Igbo youths are asking for dignity.*

*Igbo youths are asking for freedom.*

*Igbo youths are asking for self-determination.*

*If Nigeria cannot guarantee justice, equity, and equal opportunity for all, then the call for Biafra becomes not just legitimate — but inevitable.*

*To the Northern Elders Forum: we appreciate your acknowledgment. Now let the Nigerian state also have the courage to respect the democratic will of a people.*


*You cannot force unity where there is no justice.*

*Powered by OHANAEZE YOUTH COUNCIL (OYC)*

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FULL LIST: Nigeria now has 21 registered political parties

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The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has approved two new political parties ahead of the 2027 general elections, raising the total number of registered parties in Nigeria to 21.

INEC Chairman, Prof. Joash Amupitan (SAN), announced the approval of the Democratic Leadership Alliance (DLA) and the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) in Abuja on Thursday. While DLA met all statutory requirements, NDC was registered following a Federal High Court order.

Full list of registered political parties in Nigeria:

All Progressives Congress (APC)
Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)
Accord (A)
Social Democratic Party (SDP)
Labour Party (LP)
All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA)
African Democratic Congress (ADC)
Boot Party (BP)
Action Democratic Party (ADP)
African Action Congress (AAC)
Action Alliance (AA)
National Rescue Movement (NRM)
Zenith Labour Party (ZLP)
New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP)
Allied Peoples Movement (APM)
Peoples Redemption Party (PRP)
Action Peoples Party (APP)
Young Progressives Party (YPP)
Youth Party (YP)
Democratic Leadership Alliance (DLA) – new
Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) – new

INEC said the new parties were registered as part of efforts to deepen democratic participation and broaden political choices for Nigerians.

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Nnamdi Kanu appeals conviction, faults terrorism trial

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Leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, Nnamdi Kanu. Photo: X/Aloy Ejimakor

The detained leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, Nnamdi Kanu, has filed a notice of appeal challenging his conviction and multiple sentences imposed by the Federal High Court in Abuja, insisting that the trial was riddled with fundamental legal errors and amounted to a miscarriage of justice.

In the notice of appeal dated February 4, 2026, Kanu said he was appealing against his conviction and sentences on seven counts, including terrorism-related offences, for which he received five life sentences and additional prison terms after being found guilty on November 20, 2025.

“I, Nnamdi Kanu, the Appellant, having been convicted and sentenced… do hereby give notice of appeal against my conviction,” the document stated.

Kanu was convicted for offences including “committing an act preparatory to or in furtherance of an act of terrorism,” “making a broadcast… with intent to intimidate the population,” and “being the leader and member of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), a proscribed organisation in Nigeria,” among others.

Justice James Omotosho of the Federal High Court, Abuja, delivered the judgment on November 20, 2025, sentencing Kanu to five life terms for terrorism-related offences, 20 years’ imprisonment for being the leader of the proscribed IPOB, and five years’ imprisonment with no option of fine for importing a radio transmitter without a licence.

In his grounds of appeal, the IPOB leader accused the trial court of failing to resolve what he described as a “foundational disruption of the original trial process” following the 2017 military operation at his Afara-Ukwu residence.

“The learned trial judge erred in law by failing to resolve the procedural and competence consequences of the foundational disruption of the original trial process in September 2017,” Kanu argued.

He also contended that the court proceeded to trial and judgment while his preliminary objection challenging the competence of the proceedings remained unresolved.

 

“The learned trial judge did not hear or determine the objection,” the appeal document stated, adding that judgment was delivered “while the objection remained pending and undetermined.”

Kanu further faulted the court for delivering judgment while his bail application was still pending, arguing that this affected the fairness of the trial process.

He also claimed that the trial court convicted him under a law that had already been repealed, stating that “the learned trial judge erred in law by convicting and sentencing the Appellant under the Terrorism Prevention (Amendment) Act, 2013, notwithstanding its repeal by the Terrorism (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022, prior to judgment.”

Kanu further argued that he was subjected to double jeopardy, contrary to Section 36(9) of the 1999 Constitution, after being retried on facts he said had earlier been nullified by the Court of Appeal.

He also complained that he was denied fair hearing, claiming that he was not allowed to file or present a final written address before judgment was delivered.

Among the reliefs sought, Kanu asked the Court of Appeal to allow the appeal, quash his conviction and sentences, and “discharge and acquit the Appellant in respect of all the counts.”

He also informed the appellate court of his desire to be present at the hearing of the appeal, stating, “I want to be present at the hearing of the appeal because I may be conducting the appeal in person.”

Kanu is currently being held at a correctional facility in Sokoto State, after his application to be transferred to a different facility in either Niger or Nasarawa State was denied.

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