Politics
The Genesis of the Crisis Between Governor Sim Fubara & FCT Minister Nyesom Wike.
The Genesis of the Crisis Between Governor Sim Fubara & FCT Minister Nyesom Wike.
This Adumbration Has Become Necessary Because, The Avalanche Of Political Crisis That Has Rocked Rivers State, That Has Spiralled Into A State Of Emergency Today, Many People Have Lost Track On How It Began. And This Gap Has Caused Some Inadvertent Misconception About The Roles Played By The Various Actors In The Crisis.
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It all started in 2022 when the tenure of then Governor Nyesom Wike was winding down to an end. The need to find a suitable replacement became a bothering issue to him.
Two things were his worries.
1) Wike has stayed far too long in Power, that the idea of staying out of power was now traumatizing and a huge concern to him, considering the fact that his party the PDP was not holding power at the center. Note; Wike has been in power since year 2000 up till that point in 2022. That’s 22yrs straight in power.
From a two term LGA chairman, to a Chief of Staff, to a Minister, & then became a Governor of the most powerful state in Nigeria.
2) Aside from looking for a suitable surrogate who can keep him in power after his tenure, Wike was equally looking for someone to cover his tracks for his financial malfeasance for the eight (8)years he’s been in Charge as Governor of Rivers State.
Note: Wike till date remains the most financially imprudent Governor the state has had. You can still remember his huge donations to other states around the country to establish his influence. He also sponsored over five different State Governorship election across the country. Plus his own presidential aspiration campaign, where he hire the entire Abuja on the day of the PDP Presidential primaries which he eventually lost.
At the end of his calculations, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, the then Accountant General who had served him diligently over the years became his top choice. Because, he felt Fubara was a soft target who can NEVER SAY NO to all his entreaties.
Again, Fubara was a top choice because, he was the one who knows all about Wike’s financial transactions as a Governor. And if Wike was to be exposed or indicted, Siminalayi Fubara will be the only channel through which they can get to him.
So, it was important to bring him in as Governor to compensate him for all the trouble he’s been through for Wike, and to keep him away from the authorities through the IMMUNITY coverage as a Governor. Fubara’s nomination as PDP candidate was entirely for Wike’s safety, not because Wike loved Fubara.You can still remember the case of N117Billion in 2022, and the EFCC incident at the Portharcourt international airport, when EFCC officials wanted to whisk Fubara away.
Now when the Governorship primaries came, Sir Siminalayi Fubara insisted he doesn’t want to be Governor, because he has seen all the troubles associated with it and he doesn’t want it. Yet Wike insisted it must be him. Wike himself has made allusions to this fact in many of his broadcast and at different fora.
Fast forward to 2023, Wike had used the instrumentality of state to muscle Fubara in as Governor, and the rest like they say is history.
HOW THE TROUBLE BEGAN:
Of the 17 commissioners appointed into Governor Fubara’s cabinet, Wike brought all except one which is—the commissioner for information. Wike brought his cousin as the Chief of Staff, brought the Chief Security officer to the Governor, brought the Confidential secretary to the Governor, including even the cook in Fubara’s kitchen.
Of course he brought the entire 32 legislative Assembly members, and made his Nephew Martins Amaewhule the Speaker. It is safe to say that Wike provided 99.999% of the entire Government structure that Governor Fubara was operating with before the crisis, yet Fubara didn’t complain.The situation was so bad that every Friday, the Governor was mandated to lump up office files together, hop on the state aircraft and head out to Abuja for Wike to give approval to state documents and correspondence, then he will return it back to Fubara on Monday morning.
This situation continued for three solid months without Fubara agitating.
Then Came the straw that broke the Camel’s back.
Three months into Fubara’s government. One day Fubara ask the chairman of the board of Rivers Internal Revenue Generation service (RIRS). A Wike appointee too. The Governor enquired, we have been generating N28billion in revenue, why do you continue to declare N12billion, and where is the balance going to? Although this was a rhetorical question because Fubara knows where it was going to. He ordered the Chairman to start declaring the complete amount, because now he is the Governor, and if any investigation should commence tomorrow or any other day in future, he (Fubara ) is the one to answer for it. He told the chairman he knows what has been happening in the past, but that then, he Fubara was just a civil servant answering to his boss. And he can defend himself for that, but at this moment it would be impossible for him to do that, because he is the one who is the Governor. So he should begin to declare the accuracy of the generated revenue.
The Chairman refused to heed, and presented the situation to the FCT Minister who became so angry by the effrontery of the Governor. Mind you, in all of Wike’s 8yrs as Governor, the highest amount in monthly revenue Wike declared at the end of his tenure was N12billion. Some months were lesser, and this information only became public in the month of May 2023 when Wike was leaving office. Rivers people never got to know what was the internally generated revenue all through Wike’s 8yrs because it was forbidden and made a classified state information.
Now this situation caused a serious rift between the father and son. To an extent the hirelings around Wike started an open confrontation and started disrespecting the Governor. Because at this time, Wike has began shopping for Fubara’s replacement.
The situation degenerated in few weeks to the extent that His Excellency Governor Fubara handed in his resignation letter to Wike. Upon seeing the seriousness in Governor Fubara, Wike called for a meeting for a truce in France.
Note, this Truce meeting was called at the instance of some notable Rivers elders and leaders of the Wike camp. Also, the meeting was to prevail on Governor SIM Fubara NOT to resign. But the truth is that, it was not as though Wike still wanted Fubara at this point, but because Fubara’s decision to resign had taken Wike by surprise.
Nyesom Wike was not prepared for what just happened yet, so he had not perfected his plans. Because if Fubara is allowed to resigned at the point, the Governorship position will automatically fall to the Deputy Governor, a mistake that Wike cannot stomach. So he had to buy time to perfect his plans.
After the meeting in France, they continued to be living and partly living politically with no love. Wike even stopped collecting his pension as Ex-Governor and other estacodes that was meant for him, while Governor Fubara went on with governance and even committed the worst sacrilege in the process when he announced to the public that he was now generating up to N28billion in monthly revenue, and has had no cause to borrow any money to finance the numerous projects he was carrying out.
October 29th 2023 came, by that time Wike has finalized his plans. A meeting with the 32 Assembly members was called in the Minister’s home on Ada-George road in Portharcourt. An instruction was given to the then leader on the house Hon Edison Ogereye Ehie, to raise an impeachment notice in the house the next day being Monday the 30th of October 2023. This impeachment notice was to be raised against the Governor and his deputy, so they can speed up the process of getting Governor SIM out of the brick house and replace him with Martins Amaewhule.
In the meeting, Edison didn’t feel comfortable and didn’t also hide his resentment about the plan. Because according to him, they fought so hard to convince Rivers people to accept this Governor who was heavily unknown to the people. And if they should go ahead and impeach him just five months after, what are they going to tell the people is responsible for his impeachment?
They left the meeting without a concrete agreement, but someway somehow information got out. And mind you, Fubara is still unaware of what was really going on at this point. Information filter out to some quoters who felt betrayed and taken for a ride for trying to impeach an IJAW Governor who was just elected 5months ago. An office the IJAW people had waited for 24yrs to come by in this current democracy, in a state where they are arguably the majority.
The irate youths got together same night on the 29th October when that meeting held, and broke into the hallowed chamber of the assembly, and set the place ablaze primarily out of anger and to stop any impeachment move. This was a very terrible action that no one must commend, although borne out of expediency.
The next day as instructed, Martins Amaewhule and 25 other members, excluding Edison Ehie and 3 others, went somewhere and read out an impeachment notice against the Governor, and suspended the 4 other assembly members who refused to join them.
The four other assembly members equally went somewhere, suspended the 27 other members for suspending them without going through the proper house rules, and for attempting to impeach the Governor without any cogent reason.
Of course, Martins Amaewhule and co went to get a court other, preventing the Edison’s faction and the Governor from tempering with them from carrying out their functions and to protect their privileges. Edison Ehie and co on the other hand, equally went to obtain a counter court order, empowering them to enforce the suspension of Martins Amaewhule and co, and that’s how the real drama began.
Furthermore, the political crisis divided the state. Many who knew that the crisis was all about controlling the resources of the state took sides with the Governor, and gave him the massive support he still enjoys till date.
People from various LGA’s started calling for a RECALL of the 27 lawmakers on the Wike’s side. So out of fear of being recalled, on the 11th day of December 2023, the 27 members DEFECTED to the APC on the orders of the FCT Minister, with a promise that they would get the President’s protection.
The seat of the 27 lawmakers were immediately declared vacant by Edison Ehie, who has been elected as the speaker of his own faction by this time, and also had the backing of a state High Court judgement.
The matter began to heat up to the highest fahrenheit, and on the 18th of December 2023, the infamous Aso Rock Truce was called by President Bola Asiwaju Tinubu, where the “8point Resolution” was Handed Over to both parties.
The eight (8)points Resolution caused a brawl in Rivers State because it was so lobsided to a point many called it a death sentence against Governor SIM Fubara. Because, out of the 8points, 6points was for Gov Fubara to implement while only 2points were required of Martins Amaewhule and his colleagues.
Martins Amaewhule and co claimed instant victory, and celebrated massively.
Governor Fubara on the other hand, made a broadcast a day after this Abuja proclamation and said and I quote, “The Problem We’re Having Is A Matter Between ‘Father & Son’, & No Price Is Too Big To Pay For Peace ” end of quote.
Fubara went ahead and started implementing all the six(6) point that was handed to him except one.
He re-accepted the commissioner who resigned on their own to join the FCT Minister, including those who left and started insulting him, like the former Chief of Staff to the FCT Minister, Mr Emeka Nwoke.
He released the backlog of the 27 members allowance, and started paying them their salaries.
He allowed them to start sitting again where they wanted, despite the fact that their seat has been declared vacant, and they’ve lost their seats.
He withdrew all the cases that was instituted in the courts, including his counter affidavit that was filed in the case against him in Justice Omotosho’s Court, which became the legal ground upon which Martins Amaewhule and co got the judgement they got from the supreme Court. Because, while Fubara withdrew all the cases he had in court with Martins Amaewhule as directed by Mr President, Martins Amaewhule on the other hand DID NOT withdraw theirs. Thereby, having an edge over Fubara because you cannot re-present evidence in a case where you had already withdrawn your defense and evidence. But in all of these, Mr President didn’t see any wrong with their actions for disobeying his directive.
It was upon the realization that Martins Amaewhule and co were not ready for peace that the Governor now re-entered into the legal turf with them albeit late and inconsequential. That was the reason why he didn’t comply with the only point he left out on the list, which was to re-present the budget to Martins Amaewhule.
Fast forward again to February 28th 2025. Martins Amaewhule and co got judgement from the supreme Court on the matter that proceeded from the Justice Omotosho’s Court. The same matter that Mr President had asked Martins Amaewhule to withdraw and he didn’t. The same matter that Governor Fubara had gone to withdraw his counter affidavit from, which they (Martins Amaewhule and co) took advantage of.
On the pronouncement of the supreme Court judgement. It was evident that the court went far and wide to make pronouncement of matters whose substance was not before it. Yet, SIM Fubara still maintained that he will implement everything the court had said, and immediately started implementing the judgement no matter how vexacious it was.
He immediately ask the elected LGA officials to step aside even before receiving the CTC of the court judgement. Upon receipt of the CTC, he began making attempts to re-present the budget as directed by the supreme Court judgement, and of course, the entire Nigeria saw how he was frustrated and ridiculed by the assembly members.
Upon his third attempt to meet with them to present the budget, they locked him out of the assembly complex and announced that they had “Adjourned Sine Die”. But in all of these, the Governor was always made to be the valian by the Abuja gang in collaboration with Mr President.
A day after their announcement of Sine Die adjournment, they sent another impeachment notice from their hideaway, where they were observing and enjoying their adjournment.
Two days later, a “State of Emergency is declared in Rivers State”, the Governor, his Deputy & the assembly members are suspended, on trumped up accusations and a phantom and non-existent threat of insecurity.
Note Again:
This State of Emergency was well choreographed. As Wike has been looking for a way to remove the Governor to no avail. When it became clear that impeachment won’t work because the Chief Judge of the state won’t play along, that’s when they resorted to “State of Emergency “, after threatening the state CJ with EFCC & DSS on allegation of age falsification and it didn’t work.
The State of Emergency became the final option, such that—it was all well planned to fit the purpose so they can take out the Governor.
To make it work—Wike had to do a televised media chat and insulted the entire IJAW nation. Calling them names and immediately afterwards, booked a reception in the same IJAW community seven days later just to trigger a crisis or resistance, so they can use that as a ground to declare the State of Emergency.
When that failed, because the Ijaw people were fast to read and understand Wike’s subterfuge, they resorted to Plan-B. Which was to use an excuse of pipeline vandalization and crude oil sabotage.
The entire plan was so shabby to an extent, the marks of the shovel that was used to dig the ground and the environment near the pipeline, plus all the materials used to decorate the place was still left there when the contracted mercenaries were confronted and they ran away.
To make it more laughable, an incident which happened by 5:am in the morning, the police released a statement in the afternoon that they were still investigating to know if it was actually a sabotage as claimed or not. But by 7:pm in the evening, the President has declared a State of Emergency in Rivers State, suspending the entire democratic structure of the state. And citing an incident that happened by 5:am that same day as his reason.
An incident that hasn’t gotten a closure from the police or the surveillance contractor handling that stretch of the pipeline. So, if this entire drama is not an intentional “Anachronistic State Capture” then what else could it be.
If oil sabotage was a viable reason for state of Emergency, then all the states in the Niger Delta will be under emergency rule by now. Because oil spillage happens everyday in every state in the Niger Delta. Most of it are caused by faulty equipment failures, while others are done by petty oil thieves. So how does the situation in Rivers State today really add up, or calls for a state of Emergency?
Finally;
This chronicle and clarification to the political state capture in Rivers today has become necessary for the sake of those who may not know the Genesis of this crisis, and may be swayed by the wrong narrative of those dishing out falsehood and half-truth concerning H.E Governor Siminalayi Fubara. And those claiming the Governor is ungrateful to his master and godfather who gave him life.
Governor SIM is the only man who could endure the excesses of Chief Nyesom Wike, and Wike himself has said it before. That if he had made the mistake of making some of his allies with him today the Governor, the he won’t last up to two weeks when they would’ve chased him away from entering Rivers State. So nobody should ever think for a bit that Fubara was the problem.
I’m also sure, that having been accosted by the EFCC once while obeying and carrying out the orders of a boss. Nobody will want to submit himself to the same situation that will put him in similar position, or even in grave danger like that again when he is now in charge.
Fubara’s only crime was to have question the over N15billion that was always cornered from the RIRS monthly. And to have asked, how do I account for it if I’m asked tomorrow? Can we do it in a different way that doesn’t implicate me?
If you were the one in Fubara’s stead, would you be comfortable with such setup having been bitten once? If yes then continue to blame him. But if you know you would have asked the same question he asked, then pray for him and pray for Rivers State and Nigeria, because, although this may be happening in Rivers State now, we are all in a terrible situation in this country today.
Comrade Solomon Lenu—Writing From Portharcourt
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Ndigbo are no longer spectators in the Nigerian project- Minister Dave Umahi dismisses calls for Biafra under Tinubu’s administration
The Minister of Works, David Umahi, says the all-inclusive style of governance being practiced by President Bola Tinubu has made the agitation for Biafra an unnecessary clamour.
While speaking at the inspection of the Enugu-Anambra road last Saturday, December 13, Umahi said the Tinubu administration had given Ndigbo what they had sought for decades, not through secession, but through what he described as unprecedented inclusion in national governance and development.
He explained that the agitation for Biafra was historically driven by neglect, exclusion and underrepresentation at the federal level, but insisted that the situation had changed under the current administration.
“When a people are fully integrated, respected and empowered within the structure of the nation, the dream they once chased through agitation has already been achieved through cooperation.
The push for Biafran secession over the years was borne out of neglect, exclusion and underrepresentation but today the narrative has changed dramatically under President Bola Tinubu.
The President has deliberately opened the doors of national development to the South-East. Appointments, policy inputs and infrastructure priorities now reflect true federal balance.
Every sector now bears visible Igbo footprints. The emergence of Igbo sons and daughters in strategic positions is a testament to this inclusion.
Biafra was never about breaking Nigeria; it was about being counted in Nigeria. Through inclusion, equity and concrete development, Ndigbo are no longer spectators in the Nigerian project; they are co-authors of its future. When justice finds a people, agitation loses its voice.”he said
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ADC Launches 90-Day Membership Drive, Fixes Dates For Congresses, National Convention
The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has announced a 90-day nationwide membership mobilisation, revalidation, and registration exercise as part of preparations for its internal party activities ahead of 2026.
The party also approved provisional dates for its congresses and the election of delegates at the polling unit, ward, and local government levels across the country.
In circulars issued by its national secretary, Rauf Aregbesola, the ADC said the congresses are expected to hold between January 20 and January 27, 2026.
The process, the party said, will lead to the emergence of delegates who will participate in its non-elective national convention scheduled for February 2026 in Abuja.
A statement by Bolaji Abdullahi, national publicity secretary of the party, said the decisions were reached at a meeting of the national working committee (NWC) held on November 27, 2025.
Abdullahi said the timetable and activities were approved in line with the resolutions of the NWC and in accordance with relevant provisions of the party’s constitution.
The ADC said further details on the membership exercise, congresses, and convention will be communicated to party members and stakeholders in due course.
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INVESTIGATION: Why No Imo Governor Ever Controls Succession- The Untold Story
Imo State’s inability to sustain political succession from one elected governor to another is not accidental. It is the consequence of recurring structural failures rooted in elite conspiracy, federal power realignments, internal party implosions, zoning sensitivities, and the perennial arrogance of incumbency. From Achike Udenwa to Ikedi Ohakim and Rochas Okorocha, each administration fell victim to a combination of these forces, leaving behind a state where power is never inherited, only contested.
Achike Udenwa’s experience remains the most instructive example of how federal might and elite scheming can dismantle a governor’s succession plan. Governing between 1999 and 2007 under the PDP, Udenwa assumed that the party’s national dominance would guarantee internal cohesion in Imo. Instead, his tenure coincided with one of the most vicious intra-party wars the state has ever witnessed.
The Imo PDP split into two irreconcilable blocs. On one side was Udenwa’s grassroots-driven Onongono Group, powered by loyalists such as Alex Obi and anchored on local structures. On the other was a formidable Abuja faction populated by heavyweight figures including Kema Chikwe, Ifeanyi Araraume, Hope Uzodimma, Tony Ezenna, and others with direct access to federal influence. This was not a clash of personalities alone; it was a struggle over who controlled the levers of power beyond Owerri.
The conflict worsened when Udenwa openly aligned with then Vice President Atiku Abubakar during his bitter feud with President Olusegun Obasanjo. That alignment proved politically fatal. Obasanjo, determined to weaken Atiku’s network nationwide, withdrew federal support from governors perceived as loyal to the vice president. In Imo, the effect was immediate and devastating.
Federal agencies, party organs, and influence channels tilted decisively toward the Kema Chikwe-led Abuja faction. Udenwa lost effective control of the PDP structure, security leverage, and strategic influence. His foot soldiers in the Onongono Group could mobilise locally, but they could not withstand a coordinated assault backed by the centre.
His preferred successor, Charles Ugwu, never gained political altitude. By the time succession became imminent, Udenwa was already a governor without power. Even his later recalculations failed to reverse the tide. The party had slipped beyond his grasp.
The eventual outcome was politically ironic. Ikedi Ohakim emerged governor, backed by forces aligned with the federal establishment, notably Maurice Iwu—his kinsman and then Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Another Udenwa ally, Martin Agbaso, briefly tasted victory, only for his election to be cancelled. The lesson was brutal and unmistakable: without federal alignment, succession in Imo is almost impossible.
Notably, Udenwa’s record in office did not rescue him. Infrastructure development, relative stability, and administrative competence counted for little in the face of elite conspiracy operating simultaneously at state and federal levels. In Imo politics, performance is secondary to power alignment.
Ikedi Ohakim’s tenure presents a different dimension of failure. Unlike Udenwa, he never reached the point of succession planning. His administration was consumed by political survival. From 2007 to 2011, Ohakim governed amid persistent hostility from elites and a rapidly deteriorating public image.
Ohakim has consistently maintained that his downfall was orchestrated. Central to his claim is the allegation that he was blackmailed with a scandal involving the alleged assault of a Catholic priest, Reverend Father Eustace Eke. In a deeply religious state like Imo, the allegation was politically lethal.
Whether the claims were factual or exaggerated mattered less than their impact. The narrative overwhelmed governance, drowned out policy achievements, and turned public opinion sharply against him. Political elites who had midwifed his emergence quickly distanced themselves, sensing vulnerability.
By the 2011 election, Ohakim stood isolated. Party loyalty evaporated, elite cover disappeared, and voter sympathy collapsed. His re-election bid failed decisively. With that loss, any discussion of succession became irrelevant. His experience reinforces a core principle: a governor rejected by the electorate cannot dictate continuity.

*Uzodimma*
Rochas Okorocha’s rise in 2011 appeared to signal a break from Imo’s succession curse. Charismatic, populist, and financially powerful, he commanded party structures and grassroots loyalty. By his second term, he seemed politically unassailable.
Yet Okorocha committed the most consequential succession error in the state’s history. By attempting to impose his son-in-law, Uche Nwosu, as successor, he crossed from political strategy into dynastic ambition. That decision detonated his massive support base in the State overnight.
Imo’s political elites revolted almost unanimously. Party affiliation became secondary to a shared determination to stop what was widely perceived as an attempt to privatise public office. The revolt was elite-driven, strategic, and ruthless.
The zoning factor compounded the crisis. Okorocha hailed from Orlu zone; so did Nwosu. For many Imo voters, the prospect of Orlu retaining power through familial succession was unacceptable. What might have been tolerated as ambition became framed as entitlement.
This time, elite resistance aligned with popular sentiment. The electorate queued behind alternatives not necessarily out of conviction, but out of rejection. Crucially, Emeka Ihedioha emerged governor because Okorocha fatally miscalculated—splitting his base, provoking elite rebellion, and underestimating voter resentment. Okorocha’s formidable structure collapsed under internal rebellion and voter backlash, sealing his failure to produce a successor.
Hope Uzodimma’s current position must be assessed against this turbulent history. At present, the structural indicators are in his favour. He enjoys firm federal backing, controls the APC machinery in the state, and commands the support—or at least the compliance—of most major political elites.
Unlike Udenwa, Uzodimma is aligned with the centre. Unlike Ohakim, he has survived electoral tests. Unlike Okorocha, he has not openly flirted with dynastic politics. On the surface, the succession equation appears favorable.

*Udenwa*
However, Imo’s history cautions against certainty. Elite loyalty in the state is conditional and transactional. It endures only where interests are balanced, ambitions managed, and inclusion sustained. A wrong choice of successor could still provoke elite conspiracy, even if it emerges from within the ruling party.
The opposition remains weak and fragmented, with limited capacity to mobilize mass resistance. Yet voter apathy, now more pronounced than during the Udenwa and Okorocha eras, introduces a new risk. Disengaged electorates are unpredictable and often disruptive.

“Ohakim*
Ultimately, Uzodimma’s challenge is not opposition strength but elite psychology. Suppressed ambitions, if mishandled, can erupt. Succession in Imo has never been about coronation; it is about negotiation.

*Okorocha*
History is unforgiving to governors who confuse incumbency with ownership. Power in Imo is never transferred by decree. As 2027 approaches, the same forces that toppled past succession plans remain alive. Whether Uzodimma avoids their trap will depend not on power alone, but on restraint, balance, and political wisdom.
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