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Beyond the Backlash: A reasoned look at Ikedi Ohakim’s legacy and relevance for 2027

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— A factual rebuttal to Nze James Chinonyerem’s recent attack on Dr. Ikedi Ohakim By Chief Sir Emmanuel Okwudiri Mbah PhD -Who writes from Azaraubo Emekuku Owerri North L.G.A Imo State

While Nze James Chinonyerem’s recent critique of Dr. Ikedi Ohakim raises several contentious points, it ultimately presents a narrow and reductionist view of a complex political legacy. A fair and balanced evaluation of Ohakim’s record—and his relevance to Imo State’s future—requires thoughtful reflection on both his strengths and his shortcomings, not a wholesale dismissal based on selective memory.

Revisiting the 2007 Electoral Context

Characterising Ohakim’s 2007 emergence as a mere “imposition” not only oversimplifies the political dynamics of the time but ignores the complex legal and institutional crisis that unfolded. A widely circulated and unchallenged statement by Prof. Maurice Iwu, then Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), offers a definitive account.

According to Prof. Iwu, the suspension of voting in the Imo 2007 gubernatorial election was triggered by legal disputes within both the PDP and APGA, including:

  • The Supreme Court’s last-minute judgment affirming Senator Ifeanyi Ararume as PDP’s valid candidate—after INEC had already printed ballots with Engr. Charles Ugwu’sname.
  • President Obasanjo’s declaration that PDP had no candidate, creating further constitutional ambiguity.
  • Legal wrangling within APGA that invalidated Martin Agbaso’s candidacy, since he contested under a faction not recognised by court orders at the time.

Prof. Iwu explained that disruptions, including violence and attempted ballot alterations, led to the legally sanctioned suspension of the governorship election. No votes were tabulated; there was no declared result, and no candidate—including Martin Agbaso—could be said to have “won” a legally voided election.

Most importantly, Iwu clarified that Martin Agbaso was not even a legally recognised APGA candidate as of election day. A Superior Court judgment had ordered INEC to comply with the ruling faction of APGA, which meant Agbaso’s name remained on the ballot only under legal constraints—not as a valid contender.

In other words, the notion that Ohakim “robbed” Agbaso is not only false—it is legally impossible.

Those perpetuating this myth are not just distorting history; they are perpetuating a politically weaponised falsehood that has long since been debunked by the electoral body itself. It is time to lay this narrative to rest.

Let us be clear: Okigwe Zone did not sabotage Owerri Zone in 2007. No legitimate election was concluded. Ohakim emerged only after a fresh, court-sanctioned election was conducted—an election in which he received the mandate of the people under lawful conditions.

Despite criticisms of his communication style, Ohakim’s administration delivered measurable progress. His focus on infrastructure, especially road construction and rehabilitation, left visible improvements across the state.

The IROMA Legacy

One of his most notable legacies was the creation of the Imo State Roads Maintenance Agency (IROMA)—a flagship initiative aimed at addressing the state’s deteriorating road infrastructure. IROMA was not only responsible for the rehabilitation and maintenance of roads across urban and rural areas, but also served as a massive employment generator. Under Ohakim’s tenure, the agency reportedly created over 30,000 jobs, significantly reducing unemployment and stimulating local economies.

The Clean and Green Initiative

Ohakim’s administration also launched the Clean and Green Initiative, a comprehensive environmental sanitation program aimed at transforming Imo State into a cleaner and more sustainable environment. This initiative led to Owerri being adjudged the cleanest state capital in Nigeria for three consecutive years—2009, 2010, and 2011—by the Federal Ministry of Environment.

Ohakim established the The College of Education Ihitte/ Uboma and the Imo State Polytechnic which Gov Uzodimma upgraded to the Imo State University of Agriculture and Environmental Sciences in Umuagwo (now part of Imo State University)—a long-term contribution to education and agricultural development. His broader rural development efforts reflected a clear intent to decentralise opportunities beyond the capital.

The Real Distinction

Ohakim was often perceived as abrasive. Yet, a distinction between style and substance reveals a more complex governance record. Several of his policies—particularly in agriculture, youth empowerment, and sanitation—were forward-thinking, aligning with sustainable development goals long before they became national talking points. His real challenge lay in stakeholder engagement and message delivery, not necessarily policy design.

Understanding the 2011 Electoral Defeat

Reducing Ohakim’s 2011 loss to personal failings misses the broader national context. Yes, there were internal missteps, including frictions within his party and insufficient grassroots consultation. However, even the critic himself, Nze James Chinonyerem, inadvertently acknowledges the role of federal interference when he wrote:
“Ask those who participated in that election as agents of PDP. They will tell how mercilessly they were muzzled by the federal security agencies.”

This admission is significant.

If federal security agencies indeed muzzled party agents during a democratic election, then the 2011 outcome cannot be considered a pure expression of the people’s will. Should this kind of electoral suppression—where security forces stifle political participation—be normalised or quietly condoned? On the contrary, it should be condemned by all who believe in democracy, regardless of party affiliation.

Moreover, Dr. Ikedi Ohakim’s 2011 re-election bid was severely damaged by an orchestrated campaign of misinformation—most notably the now-infamous false allegation involving a Catholic priest. The claim that Ohakim physically assaulted a reverend father spread like wildfire and was used as a moral and emotional weapon against him. It deeply influenced public sentiment in a largely Catholic state like Imo.

Yet, years later, the priest publicly retracted the accusation and apologised. This belated confession confirmed what many already knew: Ohakim was a victim of a deliberate character assassination designed to swing public opinion. That lie, though politically effective, unjustly cost him re-election and damaged his reputation.

Ohakim’s 2011 defeat, therefore, must be understood in the context of both institutional muzzling and weaponised falsehoods. He was not merely outvoted; he was outmanoeuvred by undemocratic means.

Ohakim’s enduring legacy in Okigwe

Late President Umaru Musa Yar’adua drinking water from the greater Okigwe water scheme during the commissioning

 

The assertion that “Nde Okigwe deserve better” should not be wielded as a tool to disqualify one of the zone’s most accomplished sons. Dr. Ikedi Ohakim’s tenure as governor was marked by tangible developments that directly benefited the Okigwe zone, reflecting his deep-rooted commitment to uplifting his homeland.

The first official state visit of President Yar’Dua was the commissioning of the greater Okigwe water scheme, a monumental initiative that had languished since the era of Governor Sam Mbakwe. Ohakim’s administration revived and completed this project, ensuring a reliable water supply for the region.

In infrastructure, Ohakim prioritised the dualization of major roads leading into Okigwe, enhancing connectivity and fostering economic activities. His administration also focused on rural electrification and road rehabilitation projects within the zone, improving the quality of life for residents.

Beyond physical infrastructure, Ohakim’s policies had a profound socio-economic impact. His 10,000 Youth Employment Initiativeprovided job opportunities for many youths in Okigwe, addressing unemployment and stimulating the local economy. His Clean and Green Initiative, which earned Owerri national acclaim, also had spillover effects in Okigwe, beautifying public spaces and improving environmental health.

Dismissing Ohakim’s contributions to Okigwe is not only unfair—it is inaccurate. He remains one of the most qualified and committed figures the zone has ever produced.

While calls for fresh leadership are valid, they must be balanced against the need for institutional memory, proven competence, and political stability. Governance is not experimentation. The best future for Imo lies in leaders who can combine past lessons with fresh thinking. Experience does not preclude innovation; it can empower it.

A Checklist for 2027

Rather than recycling old grievances, Imo’s political debate should focus on forward-looking questions:

  1. Policy Platform: What solutions does Ohakim offer for today’s pressing issues?
  2. Political Evolution: How has he grown from past mistakes?
  3. Bridge-Building: Can he unite traditional institutions, youth, and political actors?
  4. Vision Fit: Do his goals align with Imo’s economic and social development path?

Let the People Decide

Democracy’s strength lies in its capacity for renewal and redemption. Dr. Ikedi Ohakim’s past term had its challenges—but to entirely write off his future potential is shortsighted. The decision about who leads Imo next must rest with the people, not gatekeepers of selective memory.

Let Imo’s future be decided not by recycled grudges, but by renewed vision. The people deserve a campaign grounded in facts, fairness, and bold ideas. In that conversation, every serious contender—including Dr. Ikedi Ohakim—deserves to be heard, not heckled.

Final Note: On the Credibility of Nze James Chinonyerem

In engaging with public commentary such as that of Nze James Chinonyerem, readers should consider the broader context of the commentator’s history and motivations. Chinonyerem has previously featured in political controversies, including being indirectly referenced in a 2022 article on P.M. Expresstitled “Who Is Afraid Of Prince Dr. Alex Mbata?”, which discussed coordinated political attacks against prominent figures in Imo State.

His pattern of highly opinionated political writing often leans toward emotionally charged allegations rather than evidence-based critique. Without a clear record of public service, governance credentials, or professional distinction in policy or academia, such commentary should be weighed with discernment.

Constructive political discourse should elevate ideas, not recycle unfounded grievances. As Imo State approaches another defining electoral moment, the people deserve truth, fairness, and focus on the real issues—not personal vendettas disguised as public analysis.


Chief Sir Emmanuel Okwudiri Mbah PhD
Write from Azaraubo Emekuku Owerri North L.G.A Imo State

Politics

PDP secretary: Staff shut offices, reject Anyanwu’s return

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The management and staff of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, National Secretariat, on Monday shut their offices and staged a mass walkout in protest against Senator Samuel Anyanwu’s attempt to forcibly reclaim his position as national secretary.

The demonstration was said to have followed the party’s National Working Committee, NWC, appointment of Setonji Koshodeo as acting National Secretary.

Anyanwu reportedly arrived at the party headquarters with suspected thugs and tried to take control of the national secretary’s office.

However, staff members, who neither wanted to recognize or work with him, were said to have quickly mobilised and vacated the premises, leaving him stranded and visibly embarrassed.

“Anyanwu and his people entered the building. It wasn’t just an attempt, they actually went straight into the national secretary’s office with some of his aides,” One of the protesting staff members said.

The PDP secretariat remained deserted as the protest went on, as some staff insisted that they would not return until Anyanwu vacated the office.

It will be recalled that the staff had in May publicly pledged to support the committee’s decision, insisting that Koshoedo’s appointment followed the party’s internal procedures.

“We had all left our offices and walked out in protest. That firm action led to his exit,” another protesting staff said.

At the time of filing this report, the PDP is yet to issue an official statement on the matter.

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Tinubu never liked me, I was Buhari’s boy – El-Rufai

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Immediate past Kaduna State Governor, Nasir El-Rufai, has accused President Bola Tinubu of not liking him when he was a member of the ruling All Progressives Congress, APC.

El-Rufai made the disclosure during an interview on ‘Prime Time’, a programme on Arise Television on Monday.

He further stated that he was a boy of immediate past President Muhammadu Buhari.

The ex-Kaduna governor also disclosed that he was closer to former governor of Osun and a chieftain of the APC, Bisi Akande.

“Bola Tinubu never really liked me, but we never really got along. In the party, I was Buhari’s boy.

“The person I got along with was Baba Akande,” he said.

Speaking further in the interview programme, El-Rufai said he never believed that the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, under the leadership of Prof Yakubu Mahmoud would register a new coalition political party.

The former FCT minister under President Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration drew a comparison between the incumbent INEC chairman and his predecessor, Attahiru Jega, under whose leadership the All Progressives Congress, APC, was registered.

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Tinubu Is Gone – El-Rufai Reveals Shocking Details

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Former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai has declared that President Bola Tinubu’s approval has depreciated across the country, declaring that the president would be defeated in the upcoming polls in 2027.

According to him, “The guy, (Tinubu) is gone. He’s performed miserably. The economy has tanked. The security architecture has failed.”

The former FCT minister made the disclosure in a Monday night interview on Arise TV.

Responding to a question on whether opposition figures like himself, Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, or Rabiu Kwankwaso have effectively presented a compelling alternative to President Tinubu, El-Rufai urged Nigerians to reflect on their current realities.

“Well, we have to ask the people to make up their minds. Do you like what is happening? This is just two years, okay? If you’re happy with what is happening, if your life has got better since President Tinubu was sworn in on May 29, 2023, fine. But if not, why not give some other people a chance?” he said.

Pressed on whether any polling had been conducted to gauge Tinubu’s popularity, the former governor revealed that the president’s popularity is damning.

“We have done some polling. And I have mentioned some time ago that in many parts of the country, particularly in the South East and the North, President Tinubu has 91% disapproval rating. Even in Lagos, he has 78% disapproval rating,” he said.

“In some states in the Southwest, he’s doing a bit better on the equity. He’s doing better than 78 percent disapproval rating. But there is no way he’s doing better than 50 percent, even in the Southwest. The guy is gone. He’s performed miserably. The economy has tanked. The security architecture has failed.”

“Look, there are no clear trade, industrial and investment policies. Everything is going wrong. They are raising lots of revenues, but we don’t know where the revenues are going because there are no results.”

El-Rufai, who defected from the All Progressives Congress (APC) to the Social Democratic Party (SDP) on March 10, 2025, has since positioned himself as a leading voice in the growing opposition. At the time of his defection, he stated his mission was to “engage and persuade other opposition leaders and parties… under a unified democratic platform to challenge the APC in all elections and by-elections.”

He has since entered high-level discussions with key opposition figures including Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi, in a bid to consolidate forces ahead of the 2027 general elections.

El-Rufai’s split with President Tinubu deepened following the controversial denial of a ministerial appointment in August 2023. Though nominated and screened, he was ultimately left off the final list, reportedly due to unresolved “security clearance” issues flagged by the Department of State Services (DSS). El-Rufai has since denied the existence of such a report, claiming that it was President Tinubu who withdrew his name for political reasons.

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