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GOVERNOR FUBARA, YOU CANNOT ABROGATE THE CONSTITUTION OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA – APC Rivers State.

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Confounded by the disturbing missteps of its Governor in Rivers state, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) staged a press briefing on Wednesday, May 8, 2024, to dismiss the All Progressives Congress (APC), Rivers state chapter’s call on the Rivers State House of Assembly to impeach Govenor Siminalayi Fubara. The PDP tendered a hogwash argument that by Section 109 of the Constitution, the 27 House of Assembly members who defected from PDP to APC have forfeited their seats, and echoed the Governor’s declaration that the Rivers State House of Assembly is non-existent.

Contrary to PDP’s assertions, it is not APC that is calling for the impeachment of Governor Fubara. Rather, by his egregious actions, conduct and infantile comments, Fubara is actively and vehemently precipitating his own impeachment.

Governor Fubara’s declaration that the Rivers State House of Assembly does not exist is not only reckless, it is a direct affront to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The House of Assembly is a creation of the Constitution, and vested with the legislative authority of the state. The members of the Assembly were elected by the good people of Rivers state in the same manner that Fubara was elected Governor.

The Assembly does not exist at the Governor’s pleasure or fanciful whims. The legislature is at the core of the idea of democracy. It is co-equal with the executive and judicial arms of government. The constitutionally entrenched principle of separation of powers among the three arms of government guarantees essential checks and balances required to ensure observance of the rule of law. The rule of law is indispensable to democracy and constitutional order.

If his declaration that the House of Assembly is nonexistent is based on the fact that the 27 members who decamped from PDP to APC have lost their seats, then Governor Fubara is sorely misled.

To be clear, the 27 Assembly members did not lose their membership of the Assembly by virtue of their decampment. There is nothing homeostatic about Section 109(1)(g) of the Constitution. It is not self-executing. The Proviso to the said Section 109(1) (g) established exceptional grounds to the applicability of Section 109(1)(g)
Section 109(1) states: A member of a House of Assembly shall vacate his seat in the House if –
(S.109(1)(g) – being a person whose election to the House of Assembly was sponsored by a political party, he becomes a member of another political party before expiration of the period for which that House was elected:

“Provided that his membership of the latter political party is not as a result of a division in the political party of which he was previously a member or of a merger of two or more political parties or factions by one of which he was previously sponsored.”

Therefore, only a properly constituted court of law can make a determination as to whether a member of the House of Assembly has vacated his seat in accordance with that provision of the Constitution. As no such judicial determination has been made, the 27 APC members of the House of Assembly remain the constitutionally recognized and authorized members of the Rivers State House of Assembly.

The Governor’s declaration flies in the face of a matter pending in court as instituted by some elders of the state on the very question of the legal status of the 27 members that decamped from PDP to APC. The court ruled that the plaintiffs in the matter lacked necessary _locus standi_ to bring the action. An appeal against that ruling remains pending in the Court of Appeal. Gov Fubara is a party to that suit. And there is the subsisting order of injunction issued by a Federal High Court restraining the Governor and his agents from impeding or frustrating the House of Assembly under the leadership of the Speaker, Rt. Hon. Martin Amaewhule.

The Governor’s attack on the House of Assembly and its leadership is in flagrant disrespect of the order of a court of law and a violent violation of the express provisions of the Constitution. His demolition of the Rivers state House of Assembly complex remains one of the most brazen attacks on democratic institutions in our nation’s history. And there is now grave apprehension that he may be spoiling to demolish the House of Assembly residential quarters in Port Harcourt, built only two years ago, following his recent gestapo-like invasion of the Assembly quarters. Governor Fubara’s weaponization of demolition of public assets as a strategy to dislodge and punish legitimate members of the legislature is nothing short of petty despotism and must be roundly condemned.

Governor Fubara continues to conduct the business of government unhinged, and in total contempt of the state legislature. The Governor expends the state’s resources without regard to appropriation and public procurement laws. The Governor has unlawfully withheld local governments funds as a punitive measure against perceived opponents, and only recently, directed that all heads and officials of the 23 Local Government Areas should ignore the summons of the State Assembly as he threatened to sack officials who flouted his directive.

The power of the purse resides in the legislature. If, indeed, the House of Assembly does not exist, as Governor Fubara has declared, then the Governor must necessarily shut down the entire government of Rivers state, especially the office of the Governor, as he lacks the authority to expend public resources without valid appropriations by the legislature.

Governor Fubara cannot abrogate the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. He cannot be governor and be despot-in-chief of the Rivers state House of Assembly, at the same time. Attempting to impose an illegal 3-man House of Assembly is executive lawlessness in the extreme. Governor Fubara’s quest to repudiate the Constitution and govern in denial of the existence of the state legislature is, in and of itself, among other grounds, an impeachable offense.

We strongly counsel Governor Fubara to submit himself to the dictates of the Constitution and the rule of law. In any and all contests between Governor Fubara and the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the Constitution shall prevail, always. The good people of Rivers state deserve so much more than the seemingly unending chicanery of Governor Fubara.

Signed:
*Felix Morka, Esq.*
National Publicity Secretary
All Progressives Congress (APC)

Politics

OHANAEZE YOUTH COUNCIL REPLIES NORTHERN ELDERS FORUM: YES, IGBO YOUTHS WANT BIAFRA

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By Comrade Igboayaka O. Igboayaka

President OHANEZE YOUTH COUNCIL

The Ohanaeze Youth Council (OYC) has formally replied to the recent statement credited to the Northern Elders Forum, wherein they suggested that if Igbo youths truly desire Biafra, the Nigerian government should not stand in their way.

While we acknowledge this rare moment of honesty, OYC states clearly and unequivocally:-Yes — Igbo youths want Biafra. And this desire is not born out of hatred, but out of decades of injustice, exclusion, and systemic oppression.

The agitation for Biafra is the direct consequence of Nigeria’s persistent failure to build an equitable and inclusive federation.

WHY IGBO YOUTHS ARE DEMANDING BIAFRA

Our position is anchored on undeniable realities:-

*1. Political Differences:-Nigeria’s political structure has consistently marginalized the Southeast. Since the return to democracy in 1999, the Igbo nation has been deliberately excluded from key leadership positions, particularly the Presidency and critical security offices. Federal appointments, resource control, and political representation remain grossly imbalanced against Ndigbo.The so-called federal system operates more like a unitary arrangement where certain regions dominate while others are reduced to spectators.*

*2. Social Differences:-Social integration in Nigeria has collapsed. Igbo citizens face profiling, harassment, and selective enforcement of laws across different parts of the country. Peaceful protests in Igboland are met with military brutality, while violent extremism elsewhere often receives negotiation and amnesty.This double standard has deepened alienation among Igbo youths.*

*3. Cultural Differences:-Our language, traditions, and values are neither protected nor promoted within the Nigerian framework. Instead, Igbo culture is routinely undermined and treated as inferior. A nation that fails to respect the cultural identity of its people cannot claim unity.*

*4. Religious Differences:-Religious intolerance has become normalized. Christian communities in the Southeast feel increasingly threatened in a country where religious bias influences policy, security response, and governance. The absence of genuine religious neutrality further widens the divide.*

*5. Ethnic Hate Against Ndigbo:- Anti-Igbo rhetoric has been openly displayed in national discourse. From threats of expulsion to hate speeches and coordinated attacks, Ndigbo have become targets within their own country. Properties belonging to Igbos are often destroyed during crises, with little or no compensation or justice.This persistent hostility sends a clear message;we are not wanted.*

*6. Systemic Marginalization:- From abandoned federal roads to exclusion from major infrastructure projects, from poor seaport development to economic strangulation, the Southeast remains deliberately underdeveloped. Igbo youths graduate into unemployment, poverty, and despair while watching other regions benefit disproportionately from national resources.*

*This is not accidental. It is structural.*

*OUR MESSAGE IS SIMPLE*
*Igbo youths are not asking for war.*

*Igbo youths are asking for dignity.*

*Igbo youths are asking for freedom.*

*Igbo youths are asking for self-determination.*

*If Nigeria cannot guarantee justice, equity, and equal opportunity for all, then the call for Biafra becomes not just legitimate — but inevitable.*

*To the Northern Elders Forum: we appreciate your acknowledgment. Now let the Nigerian state also have the courage to respect the democratic will of a people.*


*You cannot force unity where there is no justice.*

*Powered by OHANAEZE YOUTH COUNCIL (OYC)*

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FULL LIST: Nigeria now has 21 registered political parties

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The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has approved two new political parties ahead of the 2027 general elections, raising the total number of registered parties in Nigeria to 21.

INEC Chairman, Prof. Joash Amupitan (SAN), announced the approval of the Democratic Leadership Alliance (DLA) and the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) in Abuja on Thursday. While DLA met all statutory requirements, NDC was registered following a Federal High Court order.

Full list of registered political parties in Nigeria:

All Progressives Congress (APC)
Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)
Accord (A)
Social Democratic Party (SDP)
Labour Party (LP)
All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA)
African Democratic Congress (ADC)
Boot Party (BP)
Action Democratic Party (ADP)
African Action Congress (AAC)
Action Alliance (AA)
National Rescue Movement (NRM)
Zenith Labour Party (ZLP)
New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP)
Allied Peoples Movement (APM)
Peoples Redemption Party (PRP)
Action Peoples Party (APP)
Young Progressives Party (YPP)
Youth Party (YP)
Democratic Leadership Alliance (DLA) – new
Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) – new

INEC said the new parties were registered as part of efforts to deepen democratic participation and broaden political choices for Nigerians.

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Nnamdi Kanu appeals conviction, faults terrorism trial

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Leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, Nnamdi Kanu. Photo: X/Aloy Ejimakor

The detained leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, Nnamdi Kanu, has filed a notice of appeal challenging his conviction and multiple sentences imposed by the Federal High Court in Abuja, insisting that the trial was riddled with fundamental legal errors and amounted to a miscarriage of justice.

In the notice of appeal dated February 4, 2026, Kanu said he was appealing against his conviction and sentences on seven counts, including terrorism-related offences, for which he received five life sentences and additional prison terms after being found guilty on November 20, 2025.

“I, Nnamdi Kanu, the Appellant, having been convicted and sentenced… do hereby give notice of appeal against my conviction,” the document stated.

Kanu was convicted for offences including “committing an act preparatory to or in furtherance of an act of terrorism,” “making a broadcast… with intent to intimidate the population,” and “being the leader and member of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), a proscribed organisation in Nigeria,” among others.

Justice James Omotosho of the Federal High Court, Abuja, delivered the judgment on November 20, 2025, sentencing Kanu to five life terms for terrorism-related offences, 20 years’ imprisonment for being the leader of the proscribed IPOB, and five years’ imprisonment with no option of fine for importing a radio transmitter without a licence.

In his grounds of appeal, the IPOB leader accused the trial court of failing to resolve what he described as a “foundational disruption of the original trial process” following the 2017 military operation at his Afara-Ukwu residence.

“The learned trial judge erred in law by failing to resolve the procedural and competence consequences of the foundational disruption of the original trial process in September 2017,” Kanu argued.

He also contended that the court proceeded to trial and judgment while his preliminary objection challenging the competence of the proceedings remained unresolved.

 

“The learned trial judge did not hear or determine the objection,” the appeal document stated, adding that judgment was delivered “while the objection remained pending and undetermined.”

Kanu further faulted the court for delivering judgment while his bail application was still pending, arguing that this affected the fairness of the trial process.

He also claimed that the trial court convicted him under a law that had already been repealed, stating that “the learned trial judge erred in law by convicting and sentencing the Appellant under the Terrorism Prevention (Amendment) Act, 2013, notwithstanding its repeal by the Terrorism (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022, prior to judgment.”

Kanu further argued that he was subjected to double jeopardy, contrary to Section 36(9) of the 1999 Constitution, after being retried on facts he said had earlier been nullified by the Court of Appeal.

He also complained that he was denied fair hearing, claiming that he was not allowed to file or present a final written address before judgment was delivered.

Among the reliefs sought, Kanu asked the Court of Appeal to allow the appeal, quash his conviction and sentences, and “discharge and acquit the Appellant in respect of all the counts.”

He also informed the appellate court of his desire to be present at the hearing of the appeal, stating, “I want to be present at the hearing of the appeal because I may be conducting the appeal in person.”

Kanu is currently being held at a correctional facility in Sokoto State, after his application to be transferred to a different facility in either Niger or Nasarawa State was denied.

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