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MAJOR DANIEL IDOWU BAMIDELE: THE LOYAL SOLDIER BETRAYED BY THE SYSTEM HE SERVED. UNKNOWN TO BAMIDELE AT THE TIME, BUHARI WAS DEEPLY INVOLVED IN THE PLANNING OF THE COUP HE WAS ATTEMPTING TO ALERT THE ARMY AGAINST.

Published

1 month ago

October 28, 2025

On March 5, 1986, Major Daniel Idowu Bamidele, a brilliant and decorated officer of the Nigerian Army, was executed by firing squad alongside nine other military personnel. His alleged crime was conspiracy to commit treason linked to the popular “Vatsa Coup” against the military regime of General Ibrahim Babangida.

Yet, Bamidele’s story was not that of rebellion, but of a loyal officer punished for remaining silent. His silence was a consequence of an earlier betrayal that had shaken his faith in the very system he served.

Born in 1949, Bamidele joined the Nigerian Army in 1968 during the height of the Nigerian Civil War. He was initially recruited as a non-commissioned officer and was posted to the 12th Commando Brigade, where he fought under Colonel Benjamin Adekunle and later Colonel Olusegun Obasanjo. His competence and leadership on the battlefield earned him a recommendation for officer training, and he was commissioned into the Nigerian Army on July 29, 1970 after completing training at the Nigerian Defence Academy.

In October 1983, during an official trip to Kaduna to print documents for the Chief of Army Staff Conference, Bamidele overheard rumours of a coup being planned to oust President Shehu Shagari. On returning to Jos, he acted promptly and responsibly by reporting the intelligence to his General Officer Commanding, Major General Muhammadu Buhari. Unknown to Bamidele at the time, Buhari was deeply involved in the planning of the coup he was attempting to alert the army against.

Within days of his report, Bamidele was quietly summoned to Lagos and detained at Tego Barracks by officers of the Directorate of Military Intelligence. He was accused of plotting a coup, the very one he had tried to prevent. Fake witnesses were presented, a mock interrogation was conducted, and false reports were submitted to the National Security Organisation, then under the leadership of Umaru Shinkafi, in an effort to mislead the Shagari government. While the real coup plotters carried on with their plans, Bamidele languished in detention. Eventually, on November 25, 1983, he was released without charge due to the complete absence of evidence against him.

He returned to Jos bewildered by the series of events that had just unfolded. The shocking truth came to light on January 1, 1984 when his former GOC, Major General Muhammadu Buhari whom he had reported the coup plot to announced himself as Nigeria’s new Head of State, having seized power in a military coup, validating everything Bamidele had feared and proving the betrayal he had suffered.

After his experience, Bamidele wisely chose to remain silent about any subsequent coup plots.

In early 1984, Bamidele’s name appeared on a list of officers to be compulsorily retired. When the list was presented to Head of State Buhari for approval, he struck Bamidele’s name off the list, reason unclear, possibly acknowledging the injustice of his prior ordeal. Instead, Bamidele was posted to the Command and Staff College in Jaji as a Directing Staff, where he resumed his duties.

The events that led to his execution began in 1985, following General Babangida’s overthrow of Buhari. Not long after assuming office, Babangida’s intelligence network claimed it had uncovered a plot to remove him from power. At the center of this alleged conspiracy was Major General Mamman Vatsa, Babangida’s childhood friend and then Minister of the Federal Capital Territory. Bamidele was implicated in the conspiracy based on his attendance at a meeting in a guest house in Makurdi. That meeting included other senior officers such as Lieutenant Colonel Michael Iyorshe, Lieutenant Colonel Musa Bitiyong, Lieutenant Colonel Christian Oche, Wing Commander Ben Ekele, and Wing Commander Adamu Sakaba.

Although political discussions and criticisms of the Babangida regime took place during the gathering, there was no evidence of operational coup planning. However, Bamidele, still haunted by his 1983 ordeal, chose to remain silent. It was that silence that became the basis for the charge of conspiracy to commit treason.

He was arrested and tried by a Special Military Tribunal. The trial was conducted in secret, with no right of appeal, and little opportunity for fair defense. Despite the absence of clear evidence linking him to any actual plot, Bamidele was found guilty.

Before he was executed, he delivered a powerful, solemn statement, a statement that has since become one of the most quoted last words in Nigerian military history.

He said:
“I heard of the 1983 coup planning, told my GOC General Buhari who detained me for two weeks in Lagos. Instead of a pat on the back, I received a stab. How then do you expect me to report this one? This trial marks the eclipse of my brilliant and unblemished career of 19 years. I fought in the civil war with the ability it pleased God to give me. It is unfortunate that I’m being convicted for something which I have had to stop on two occasions. This is not self-adulation but a sincere summary of the qualities inherent in me. It is an irony of fate that the president of the tribunal who in 1964 felt that I was good enough to take training in the UK is now saddled with the duty of showing me the exit from the force and the world.”

On March 5, 1986, Major Daniel Idowu Bamidele was executed by firing squad at Kirikiri Maximum Security Prison. Among those executed with him were Major General Mamman Vatsa, Lieutenant Colonel Musa Bitiyong, Lieutenant Colonel Christian Oche, Lieutenant Colonel Clement Akale, Lieutenant Colonel M. Parwang, Wing Commander A.A. Togun, Major A.K. Obasa, Wing Commander Ben Ekele, and Wing Commander Adamu Sakaba.

Major Bamidele’s life and death remain a haunting reminder of the dangers faced by soldiers of conscience. His ordeal reflects the cost of honour in a system where truth was expendable and power was absolute. He was a soldier punished for doing the right thing once, and then punished again for refusing to be used.

Today, his name stands as a symbol of tragic integrity, a man who paid the ultimate price for trusting his superiors and remaining loyal to the oath he swore.

Rest in power, Major Daniel Idowu Bamidele. Nigerians will never forget you.

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Columns

Orji Uzor Kalu

Published

6 days ago

November 29, 2025

Ekwutos Blog

Orji Uzor Kalu MON (born 21 April 1960) is a prominent Nigerian politician, businessman, and former two-term governor of Abia State. He is widely recognized for his influence in both Nigeria’s political landscape and its private sector, particularly in media and diversified business enterprises.

Early Life and Education

Kalu was born in Abia State, where he grew up and began his early education. He later attended the University of Maiduguri but was suspended during a period of student activism. Despite the interruption, Kalu went on to build a successful entrepreneurial career before fully venturing into politics. Over the years, he completed various academic and executive programs, strengthening his profile as a businessman and public administrator.

Business Career

Before entering high-level politics, Kalu established himself as a successful entrepreneur. He is the Chairman of SLOK Holding, a business conglomerate with interests spanning:

trading

manufacturing

shipping

banking

oil and gas

His investments expanded both within Nigeria and internationally. Kalu also holds significant influence in the Nigerian media industry as the chairman and principal owner of The Daily Sun and New Telegraph, two widely circulated national newspapers. Through these enterprises, he has contributed to Nigeria’s media development, business growth, and employment generation.

Political Career

Kalu ventured into politics in the early 1990s. His major political breakthrough came in 1999, when he was elected Governor of Abia State, the first governor of the state under Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. He served two terms from 29 May 1999 to 29 May 2007.

During his governorship, Kalu focused on:

infrastructural development

education reforms

rural development

fiscal transparency

encouragement of local enterprise

He became known for his bold political style and his outspokenness on national issues. Kalu also played influential roles in national politics, aligning with various political parties at different times and serving as one of the notable political actors in Southeast Nigeria.

Senatorial Career

In 2019, Kalu was elected as the Senator representing Abia North Senatorial District in the Nigerian Senate. In the Senate, he has participated in legislative debates, sponsored bills, and advocated for policies supporting economic growth, regional development, and national unity.

Legal Challenges

Kalu faced legal controversies regarding corruption allegations linked to his time as governor. He was convicted in 2019 by a Federal High Court; however, the Supreme Court later nullified the conviction, citing procedural errors and ordering a retrial. The development became one of the most widely discussed legal cases involving a high-ranking public official in Nigeria.

Honours and Recognition

Kalu holds the national honour of Member of the Order of the Niger (MON). His political and business careers have earned him recognition across Nigeria and beyond, while his strong media presence continues to shape public discourse.

Personal Life

He is married and has children. Kalu maintains a significant influence in both political and business circles and continues to be an active figure in Nigerian public life.

Columns

THE EXECUTION OF THE 1976 COUP PLOTTERS IN NIGERIA

Published

1 week ago

November 24, 2025

Ekwutos Blog

On Friday, February 13, 1976, Nigeria was shaken by a tragic and violent coup d’état led by Lieutenant Colonel Bukar Suka Dimka. The most devastating outcome of this failed coup was the assassination of the nation’s then Head of State, General Murtala Ramat Muhammed. He was gunned down in Ikoyi, Lagos, as he traveled unescorted to his office at the Dodan Barracks. His death sent shockwaves across the country and marked a dark chapter in Nigeria’s post-independence political history.

General Murtala Muhammed had only been in office for approximately 200 days, yet he was deeply admired for his bold reforms, anti-corruption stance, and efforts to return Nigeria to civilian rule. His untimely death sparked outrage, mourning, and swift retribution by the military establishment.

The coup, though partially successful in its initial hours, quickly collapsed. Loyalist forces, particularly those under the command of then Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, Lieutenant General Olusegun Obasanjo, and General Theophilus Danjuma, regained control of strategic institutions. Dimka had temporarily seized the state radio to broadcast his justification for the coup, accusing the Muhammed regime of corruption and maladministration. However, his broadcast was cut short, and he fled Lagos.

Olusegun Obasanjo, after initial hesitation, accepted the call to leadership and succeeded Muhammed as Head of State. His new regime was determined to punish the conspirators severely and deter future insurrections. What followed was one of the most publicized military trials and mass executions in Nigerian history.

The Court-Martial and Executions

Over 100 military personnel and civilians were arrested in connection to the failed coup. Following military investigations and tribunals, dozens were convicted of plotting, aiding, or executing the coup attempt. The convicted officers were sentenced to death by firing squad, and the executions were carried out in two major rounds.

The first set of executions took place on March 11, 1976, at Bar Beach, Lagos, a location known at the time for public executions. Under the supervision of General Obasanjo’s military government, 31 individuals were executed, including senior officers, junior ranks, and one civilian. These included:

1. Major General I. D. Bisalla (former Commissioner for Defence)

2. Warrant Officer II Monday Monchon

3. Staff Sergeant Richard Dungdang

4. Sergeant Sale Pankshin

5. Lieutenant Colonel A. R. Aliyu

6. Captain M. Parvwong

7. Captain J. F. Idi

8. Captain S. Wakins

9. Lieutenant Mohammed

10. Lieutenant E. L. K. Shelleng

11. Lieutenant Colonel Ayuba Tense

12. Colonel A. D. S. Way

13. Lieutenant Colonel T. K. Adamu

14. Lieutenant Colonel A. B. Umaru

15. Captain A. A. Aliyu

16. Captain Augustine Dawurang

17. Major M. M. Mshelia

18. Lieutenant William Seri

19. Major I. B. Ribo

20. Major K. K. Gagra

21. Captain M. R. Gelip

22. Mr. Abdulkarim Zakari (a civilian who assisted in the radio broadcast)

23. Lieutenant Peter Ggani

24. Major Ola Ogunmekan

25. Lieutenant O. Zagmi

26. Lieutenant S. Wayah

27. Sergeant Ahmadu Rege

28. Sergeant Bala Javan

29. Warrant Officer II Sambo Dankshin

30. Warrant Officer II Emmanuel Dakup Seri

31. Major J. W. Kasai

A second round of executions took place between May 15 and 17, 1976, following the capture and trial of the coup leader and his key accomplices. This final round included:

32. Lieutenant Colonel Bukar Suka Dimka (leader of the coup)

33. Joseph D. Gomwalk (former Military Governor of Benue-Plateau State)

34. Lieutenant S. Kwale

35. Warrant Officer H. E. Bawa

36. Colonel I. Buka

37. Major J. K. Afolabi

38. H. Shaiyen

Dimka was captured after a nationwide manhunt and interrogation. During his trial, he remained defiant and refused to express remorse. His execution, along with the others, was carried out in secrecy, though public knowledge of it spread quickly.

These executions were meant to send a clear signal that treason and political instability would not be tolerated. While controversial, especially due to the scale and speed of the trials, the actions taken by the Obasanjo-led government reinforced military discipline and temporarily stabilized Nigeria’s political environment.

General Olusegun Obasanjo would go on to continue the reform agenda of the late Murtala Muhammed and, in 1979, became the first military leader in Nigeria to voluntarily hand over power to a democratically elected civilian government. This marked the beginning of Nigeria’s Second Republic.

The 1976 coup attempt remains one of Nigeria’s most defining political crises, remembered not only for the tragic loss of a visionary leader but also for the massive response it provoked from the military and the Nigerian public.

Columns

Tokunbo Akintola: The First Black African Student at Eton College

Published

2 weeks ago

November 23, 2025

Ekwutos Blog

In April 1964, a quiet but historic milestone was recorded in the educational and social history of both Nigeria and Britain. On the 29th of that month, the family of Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola—then Premier of the Western Region of Nigeria—stood proudly at Eton College in England as his son, Tokunbo Akintola, was formally admitted as the first Black African student in the school’s centuries-long history. At just thirteen years old, Tokunbo stepped into one of the most prestigious educational institutions in the world, a boarding school that had shaped the minds of British royals, aristocrats, intellectuals, and nineteen British Prime Ministers.

The photograph taken that day captures not merely a familial moment but a symbol of cultural diplomacy and evolving global relations. The Akintola family appears in a dignified blend of traditional Nigerian attire and modest Western clothing—a visual representation of their deep Yoruba roots and their engagement with the global stage. Standing at the centre is young Tokunbo, clad in his new school uniform, poised to begin an educational journey many could only dream of. Around him, his family offers a visible aura of pride, hope, and expectation.

Chief Ladoke Akintola, Tokunbo’s father, was by then one of the most influential political figures in Nigeria. A trained lawyer, seasoned journalist, and an orator known for his eloquence, he had risen to become Premier of the Western Region during a turbulent but significant period in Nigeria’s post-independence political evolution. His son’s admission into Eton represented both personal achievement and national symbolism—proof that African families could now step confidently onto platforms historically reserved for the British elite.

Eton College itself stood as an institution of immense reputation. Founded in 1440 by King Henry VI, it had become synonymous with leadership and privilege, producing generations of statesmen, military leaders, and members of the Royal Family. For centuries, its doors had remained firmly closed to Africans. Tokunbo’s arrival in 1964 therefore marked a quiet breaking of barriers, the beginning of a new chapter in cross-cultural educational exchange.

Tokunbo remained at Eton through the late 1960s, navigating the school’s rigorous academic environment and its deeply traditional culture. Those who remember him described him as gentle, intelligent, and quietly charismatic. Yet his life, promising as it was, would be a short one. Four years after leaving Eton, in 1973, Tokunbo Akintola died tragically at a young age, cutting short what many believed could have become a remarkable legacy in law, politics, or diplomacy—fields that seemed perfectly aligned with his upbringing and the reputation of his father.

Today, Tokunbo’s story endures as part of Nigeria’s broader historical narrative. It represents the aspirations of a generation of postcolonial families who sought to blend African identity with global opportunity. It also stands as a reminder of the contributions—and sacrifices—made by those who walked early paths of representation, carrying the hopes of their families and nations with them.

Source:
Getty Images archival description; historical records on Ladoke Akintola and Eton College.