Columns

Orkar Coup: Why I Kept Mute For 35 Years – Col Lawan Gwadabe:

Published

1 month ago

October 30, 2025

Ekwutos Blog

I call it Orkar’s April Fool version. Unfortunately, it came on the 22nd, not the 1st.

Question: There a popular belief that Abacha played a very significant role in foiling the coup…

Answer: I’ve given you the account I know, Abacha’s part is there, it’s written. What the senior officers did after that, I’m not privy to.

Abacha himself was fighting for his own survival. If his son hadn’t taken him back to his house, those two young officers who went to look for him had gone back again. So, he was lucky.

Read:

Question: Let’s talk about the 1990 coup. At the time, you were still in active service and serving as the governor of Niger State. By April 22, it will be 35 years since that coup attempt. From accounts of several actors, you played a significant role in foiling it. Can you share your recollections of that watershed moment in Nigeria’s history?

Answer: Don’t forget, I was a military governor then and if the Nigerian government were to fall, we’d all be gone. So, in a sense, it was also an act of self-preservation. We had to stay informed and take an active role.

I got involved early on because I had intelligence about their plans as far back as February 1990. We infiltrated the system. As a governor, I had extensive contacts across the country, and my intelligence sources were broad and effective.

Whenever I came across any potential threat to national security, I would compile a detailed report and send it to the president and the relevant security authorities. That was part of our training. That was the job.

Once I uncovered this particular plot, I began writing briefs regularly. Then I learned that Major Gideon Gwaza Orkar had been recruited into it.

Orkar was a good officer—I knew him well. He served under me when I was at the Directorate of Armour in Lagos. And whenever he came to Lagos for meetings while stationed in Shaki, he would stay at my house.
We had a strong connection.

He had also met me at the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA)—he was a cadet when I was about to graduate, so I was his senior. Later, he joined the Armoured Corps, where I served. So, I knew him as a bright young officer.

When I found out about his involvement, I felt he was being used as a kind of conduit for the Niger Delta agitators. So, I asked his commandant if, in the interest of national security, he could allow Orkar to meet with me.

I wanted to send him to the president directly.

The commandant agreed, saying they weren’t in the middle of training at the time. So, Orkar was sent to me.

I told him, “Gideon, you know I have vast information about what’s happening.” He acknowledged that. I said, “There are pockets of agitations across the country. At our last caucus meeting, we briefed our seniors, and they’ve been factoring this into their decision-making.”

For example, the establishment of OMPADEC was part of efforts to address grievances in the Niger Delta. With the 13% derivation that was eventually granted, the region received substantial resources to accelerate development. But has that really happened? Not quite.
Agitating officers in the Niger Delta hadn’t aligned with their leaders to understand what the federal government was doing—or failing to do.

There was a disconnect. And yes, there was radicalism in their thinking. Emotional responses can cloud rational judgment. So, while the claims of marginalisation had merit, the government was working on interventions.

I told Orkar, “Look, when they mention the Middle Belt—it’s just an aphorism. The Middle Belt is in Nigeria. Are you a Middle Belt officer?”

He replied, “No, sir. I’m a Nigerian officer.”

“Good,” I said. “So why are they trying to bring you into this? I don’t want to know what they’re telling you—but I’m giving you a chance, as one of us, to lay everything on the table with the president. Not to arrest them—but to disarm them.

Let the government talk with them and understand their frustrations.”
That was my intention.

He responded, “Whatever you ask me to do, sir, I will do.”

I reminded him, “If you’d done anything wrong, I could’ve had you arrested right here. But I didn’t. So go to the president and speak the truth about everything you know.”

He mentioned that his car wasn’t in good condition, and I told him not to worry. I called my ADC and Director-General of Government House. I said, “Orkar is your guest. He needs new tyres.”

The Niger State Supply Company provided four new tires for his car. The DG Government House gave him N20,000—quite a large amount back then—and he headed to Lagos.

To his credit, he left very early the next morning. I don’t recall the exact date, but it was a Wednesday in March. By 2 p.m., UK Bello called me and said, “Sir, the officer is here.”

I told him, “UK Bello, I beg you in the name of Almighty God, whatever the president is doing, he must see Orkar today.”

He said, “Consider it done, sir.” I had already phoned the president that morning to let him know Orkar was on his way.

Orkar sat in the ADC’s office until 6 p.m., there had been a Federal Executive Council meeting, which ran long. When the president returned and saw Orkar, he said, “Gideon, your boss told me you were coming. Okay, I’ve seen you, but I’m tired. Can you come back tomorrow?”

And that was it.

Orkar bantered a bit with UK Bello and left. But realistically, it’s likely he had already informed his co-conspirators and they were nearby in Lagos, awaiting the outcome of that meeting.

When that meeting didn’t happen, I believe it rattled them. They probably assumed their secret plan had been discovered; how else could we have known so much? So I believe they panicked, changed their timeline, and launched the coup earlier than planned.

That’s why it didn’t succeed as they had envisioned.

Question: Do you think, former President Babangida could have been aware of their plans? Could that be why he didn’t meet with Gideon Orkar that day?

Answer: No, I don’t think so. Whatever he knew about the situation came from the information we were providing him. But I felt that once the plot reached a certain stage, it was time for Orkar to brief him directly—so the government could step in, disarm the agitators, and allow things to return to normal.

Nobody was interested in arresting anyone. If they had genuine grievances, fine, what are those grievances? If the authorities felt it was necessary, they could sit down and listen. At that point, the whole thing was still in its embryonic stage.

Question: When Orkar couldn’t see the president, did he reach out to you?

No, he didn’t get back to me.

Question: Did you reach out to him?

No, I didn’t.

Now you know.

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Columns

Orji Uzor Kalu

Published

6 days ago

November 29, 2025

Ekwutos Blog

Orji Uzor Kalu MON (born 21 April 1960) is a prominent Nigerian politician, businessman, and former two-term governor of Abia State. He is widely recognized for his influence in both Nigeria’s political landscape and its private sector, particularly in media and diversified business enterprises.

Early Life and Education

Kalu was born in Abia State, where he grew up and began his early education. He later attended the University of Maiduguri but was suspended during a period of student activism. Despite the interruption, Kalu went on to build a successful entrepreneurial career before fully venturing into politics. Over the years, he completed various academic and executive programs, strengthening his profile as a businessman and public administrator.

Business Career

Before entering high-level politics, Kalu established himself as a successful entrepreneur. He is the Chairman of SLOK Holding, a business conglomerate with interests spanning:

trading

manufacturing

shipping

banking

oil and gas

His investments expanded both within Nigeria and internationally. Kalu also holds significant influence in the Nigerian media industry as the chairman and principal owner of The Daily Sun and New Telegraph, two widely circulated national newspapers. Through these enterprises, he has contributed to Nigeria’s media development, business growth, and employment generation.

Political Career

Kalu ventured into politics in the early 1990s. His major political breakthrough came in 1999, when he was elected Governor of Abia State, the first governor of the state under Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. He served two terms from 29 May 1999 to 29 May 2007.

During his governorship, Kalu focused on:

infrastructural development

education reforms

rural development

fiscal transparency

encouragement of local enterprise

He became known for his bold political style and his outspokenness on national issues. Kalu also played influential roles in national politics, aligning with various political parties at different times and serving as one of the notable political actors in Southeast Nigeria.

Senatorial Career

In 2019, Kalu was elected as the Senator representing Abia North Senatorial District in the Nigerian Senate. In the Senate, he has participated in legislative debates, sponsored bills, and advocated for policies supporting economic growth, regional development, and national unity.

Legal Challenges

Kalu faced legal controversies regarding corruption allegations linked to his time as governor. He was convicted in 2019 by a Federal High Court; however, the Supreme Court later nullified the conviction, citing procedural errors and ordering a retrial. The development became one of the most widely discussed legal cases involving a high-ranking public official in Nigeria.

Honours and Recognition

Kalu holds the national honour of Member of the Order of the Niger (MON). His political and business careers have earned him recognition across Nigeria and beyond, while his strong media presence continues to shape public discourse.

Personal Life

He is married and has children. Kalu maintains a significant influence in both political and business circles and continues to be an active figure in Nigerian public life.

Columns

THE EXECUTION OF THE 1976 COUP PLOTTERS IN NIGERIA

Published

1 week ago

November 24, 2025

Ekwutos Blog

On Friday, February 13, 1976, Nigeria was shaken by a tragic and violent coup d’état led by Lieutenant Colonel Bukar Suka Dimka. The most devastating outcome of this failed coup was the assassination of the nation’s then Head of State, General Murtala Ramat Muhammed. He was gunned down in Ikoyi, Lagos, as he traveled unescorted to his office at the Dodan Barracks. His death sent shockwaves across the country and marked a dark chapter in Nigeria’s post-independence political history.

General Murtala Muhammed had only been in office for approximately 200 days, yet he was deeply admired for his bold reforms, anti-corruption stance, and efforts to return Nigeria to civilian rule. His untimely death sparked outrage, mourning, and swift retribution by the military establishment.

The coup, though partially successful in its initial hours, quickly collapsed. Loyalist forces, particularly those under the command of then Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, Lieutenant General Olusegun Obasanjo, and General Theophilus Danjuma, regained control of strategic institutions. Dimka had temporarily seized the state radio to broadcast his justification for the coup, accusing the Muhammed regime of corruption and maladministration. However, his broadcast was cut short, and he fled Lagos.

Olusegun Obasanjo, after initial hesitation, accepted the call to leadership and succeeded Muhammed as Head of State. His new regime was determined to punish the conspirators severely and deter future insurrections. What followed was one of the most publicized military trials and mass executions in Nigerian history.

The Court-Martial and Executions

Over 100 military personnel and civilians were arrested in connection to the failed coup. Following military investigations and tribunals, dozens were convicted of plotting, aiding, or executing the coup attempt. The convicted officers were sentenced to death by firing squad, and the executions were carried out in two major rounds.

The first set of executions took place on March 11, 1976, at Bar Beach, Lagos, a location known at the time for public executions. Under the supervision of General Obasanjo’s military government, 31 individuals were executed, including senior officers, junior ranks, and one civilian. These included:

1. Major General I. D. Bisalla (former Commissioner for Defence)

2. Warrant Officer II Monday Monchon

3. Staff Sergeant Richard Dungdang

4. Sergeant Sale Pankshin

5. Lieutenant Colonel A. R. Aliyu

6. Captain M. Parvwong

7. Captain J. F. Idi

8. Captain S. Wakins

9. Lieutenant Mohammed

10. Lieutenant E. L. K. Shelleng

11. Lieutenant Colonel Ayuba Tense

12. Colonel A. D. S. Way

13. Lieutenant Colonel T. K. Adamu

14. Lieutenant Colonel A. B. Umaru

15. Captain A. A. Aliyu

16. Captain Augustine Dawurang

17. Major M. M. Mshelia

18. Lieutenant William Seri

19. Major I. B. Ribo

20. Major K. K. Gagra

21. Captain M. R. Gelip

22. Mr. Abdulkarim Zakari (a civilian who assisted in the radio broadcast)

23. Lieutenant Peter Ggani

24. Major Ola Ogunmekan

25. Lieutenant O. Zagmi

26. Lieutenant S. Wayah

27. Sergeant Ahmadu Rege

28. Sergeant Bala Javan

29. Warrant Officer II Sambo Dankshin

30. Warrant Officer II Emmanuel Dakup Seri

31. Major J. W. Kasai

A second round of executions took place between May 15 and 17, 1976, following the capture and trial of the coup leader and his key accomplices. This final round included:

32. Lieutenant Colonel Bukar Suka Dimka (leader of the coup)

33. Joseph D. Gomwalk (former Military Governor of Benue-Plateau State)

34. Lieutenant S. Kwale

35. Warrant Officer H. E. Bawa

36. Colonel I. Buka

37. Major J. K. Afolabi

38. H. Shaiyen

Dimka was captured after a nationwide manhunt and interrogation. During his trial, he remained defiant and refused to express remorse. His execution, along with the others, was carried out in secrecy, though public knowledge of it spread quickly.

These executions were meant to send a clear signal that treason and political instability would not be tolerated. While controversial, especially due to the scale and speed of the trials, the actions taken by the Obasanjo-led government reinforced military discipline and temporarily stabilized Nigeria’s political environment.

General Olusegun Obasanjo would go on to continue the reform agenda of the late Murtala Muhammed and, in 1979, became the first military leader in Nigeria to voluntarily hand over power to a democratically elected civilian government. This marked the beginning of Nigeria’s Second Republic.

The 1976 coup attempt remains one of Nigeria’s most defining political crises, remembered not only for the tragic loss of a visionary leader but also for the massive response it provoked from the military and the Nigerian public.

Columns

Tokunbo Akintola: The First Black African Student at Eton College

Published

2 weeks ago

November 23, 2025

Ekwutos Blog

In April 1964, a quiet but historic milestone was recorded in the educational and social history of both Nigeria and Britain. On the 29th of that month, the family of Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola—then Premier of the Western Region of Nigeria—stood proudly at Eton College in England as his son, Tokunbo Akintola, was formally admitted as the first Black African student in the school’s centuries-long history. At just thirteen years old, Tokunbo stepped into one of the most prestigious educational institutions in the world, a boarding school that had shaped the minds of British royals, aristocrats, intellectuals, and nineteen British Prime Ministers.

The photograph taken that day captures not merely a familial moment but a symbol of cultural diplomacy and evolving global relations. The Akintola family appears in a dignified blend of traditional Nigerian attire and modest Western clothing—a visual representation of their deep Yoruba roots and their engagement with the global stage. Standing at the centre is young Tokunbo, clad in his new school uniform, poised to begin an educational journey many could only dream of. Around him, his family offers a visible aura of pride, hope, and expectation.

Chief Ladoke Akintola, Tokunbo’s father, was by then one of the most influential political figures in Nigeria. A trained lawyer, seasoned journalist, and an orator known for his eloquence, he had risen to become Premier of the Western Region during a turbulent but significant period in Nigeria’s post-independence political evolution. His son’s admission into Eton represented both personal achievement and national symbolism—proof that African families could now step confidently onto platforms historically reserved for the British elite.

Eton College itself stood as an institution of immense reputation. Founded in 1440 by King Henry VI, it had become synonymous with leadership and privilege, producing generations of statesmen, military leaders, and members of the Royal Family. For centuries, its doors had remained firmly closed to Africans. Tokunbo’s arrival in 1964 therefore marked a quiet breaking of barriers, the beginning of a new chapter in cross-cultural educational exchange.

Tokunbo remained at Eton through the late 1960s, navigating the school’s rigorous academic environment and its deeply traditional culture. Those who remember him described him as gentle, intelligent, and quietly charismatic. Yet his life, promising as it was, would be a short one. Four years after leaving Eton, in 1973, Tokunbo Akintola died tragically at a young age, cutting short what many believed could have become a remarkable legacy in law, politics, or diplomacy—fields that seemed perfectly aligned with his upbringing and the reputation of his father.

Today, Tokunbo’s story endures as part of Nigeria’s broader historical narrative. It represents the aspirations of a generation of postcolonial families who sought to blend African identity with global opportunity. It also stands as a reminder of the contributions—and sacrifices—made by those who walked early paths of representation, carrying the hopes of their families and nations with them.

Source:
Getty Images archival description; historical records on Ladoke Akintola and Eton College.